 Feinstein helps run the Academy for Urban School Leadership, a
nonprofit program developed to "fix failing schools." Back in 2005,
Feinstein's school caught the eye of then-congressman Rahm Emmanuel,
who lobbied Blagojevich for a $2 million grant to help build an
athletic facility at the school."We just wanted to have a field
ready for our first football game," Feinstein said.
And it appeared that dream could be met after the governor's
office approved the grant. But the state money eventually began a
nightmare scenario for the school. Bills piled up as the state
delayed the funds, while construction was going full force.
"I was concerned because we couldn't pay anyone, we were
approaching mid-September and the project manager said construction
season was ending," Feinstein said.
The grant was a very small one considering the hundreds of
millions the state awards each year. But prosecutors say that
seemingly minor prize meant big things for Blagojevich, who thought
he could leverage the favor for a big-time fundraiser with
Emmanuel's brother, Hollywood agent Ari.
Bradley Tusk, Blagojevich's former deputy governor, told the jury
what happened next, as he ran through a phone call he had with
Blagojevich during the summer of 2006.
"He said, 'Where's my fundraiser?' ... and I understood that to
mean the grant would not be released unless a fundraiser was first
held," Tusk said. "I thought it was illegal and unethical."
Tusk said he was "disgusted" by Blagojevich's actions and told
former Illinois general counsel Bill Quinlan to "get (his) client
under control."
Blagojevich would eventually release all of the $2 million grant.
A fundraiser was never held.
The prosecution and the defense are trying to lay out a pattern
for the jury, albeit with very different conclusions. The
prosecution has used testimony from former Blagojevich confidants
like Tusk and Monk to paint a picture of a money-hungry shark
conspiring to abuse his office for a buck.
The defense, meanwhile, has repeatedly pointed out that
Blagojevich's tough talk did not match his actions -- even if a
campaign donation never came.
Both sides of the trial split along these lines during the
testimony of racetrack executive John Johnston.
Johnston testified of his encounter with an alleged shakedown in
2008. He said Blagojevich used his top aide-turned-lobbyist Lon Monk
to demand a $100,000 donation from the executive in exchange for
signing a bill into law that would benefit racetracks.
"Lon told me, '(Blagojevich) is concerned that if he signs the
racing legislation, you might not be forthcoming with a
contribution,'" Johnston said.
The most insulting part of the story, according to the executive:
Monk was his lobbyist at the time, drawing a $150,000 salary from
his company.
"He was supposed to be working on my behalf," he said. "And he
knew I was never going to write a check."
[to top of second column] |
The defense pointed out that Blagojevich never directly requested
a campaign donation, nor threatened to let the would-be law go
unsigned. Blagojevich signed the law a week after his arrest.
The racetrack proprietor never cut a check for the campaign.
Monday offered a new breed of prosecution witnesses for the jury,
who were introduced to a handful of former associates and cronies of
Blagojevich and convicted influence peddler Tony Rezko in the
trial's opening weeks. Feinstein, Tusk and Johnston provide a stark
contrast to Monk and businessman Ali Ata, who accepted plea deals to
corruption charges, in exchange for their testimony.
Blagojevich's defense team ran into a brick wall in the form of
federal Judge James Zagel in cross-examining these witnesses.
Sam Adam Sr., the storied trial lawyer, ran aground as he asked
Johnston about his relationship with deceased fundraiser Chris
Kelly.
"Is that all you've got?" Zagel said after sustaining another
objection from the prosecution.
Adam apologized to the judge and moved on, but Zagel's impatience
with the defense team's tactics did not let up.
Defense attorney Sheldon Sorosky encountered more than 20
objections during his cross-examination of Tusk.
The defense has argued that the prosecution's witnesses were the
masterminds, rather than the middlemen, behind the corruption during
Blagojevich's six years as governor. The case has been an easier one
to make with cooperating witnesses like Monk, who received several
cash-stuffed envelopes from Rezko.
The judge has left the door open for the defense, inviting
Blagojevich's attorneys to recall prosecution witnesses, like
Johnston, as their own. After leaving the stand, Johnston
acknowledged that he had been served a subpoena by the defense. He
does not expect to be recalled, although he would not explain why.
Another former Blagojevich chief of staff, John Harris, had taken
the stand at the end of Monday's proceedings -- and he better get
comfortable in the hot seat. Prosecutor Carrie Hamilton said Harris
will be on the stand through the end of the week. Harris pleaded
guilty to conspiracy to solicit a bribe earlier this year and agreed
to cooperate with the prosecution.
Blagojevich faces up to 415 years in prison if convicted.
[Illinois
Statehouse News; By BILL McMORRIS]
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