 But for 72 rambling minutes last January, Quinn quoted Scripture,
reeled off traffic statistics and even boasted that he had earned
the nickname "Soy Boy."It was a squandered opportunity, a
high-profile example of the rookie governor's erratic leadership
style that set the tone for a year of flip-flops and missteps that
critics cite as proof Quinn isn't up to the job.
Quinn and his supporters respond that he is a governor trying to
get a lot done under the toughest of circumstances. The former
lieutenant governor, Quinn was thrust into the job in January 2009
when lawmakers impeached and removed his predecessor, Rod
Blagojevich. Since then, the Democrat has had to wrestle with a
stubborn $13 billion budget deficit complicated by a nationwide
recession.
Quinn's accidental governorship itself was an opportunity to
prove himself in a role of real power, after years as a populist
reformer behind citizen initiatives or in less influential state
roles. He argues his first priority was not solving the worst budget
crisis in state history, but in restoring a sense of honesty and
trust in a state tarnished by corruption scandals.
He says he's succeeded. Now he's asking Illinois voters to grant
him his own four-year term on Nov. 2.
"Here's my philosophy: No. 1, work hard. I work hard," Quinn said
in an Associated Press interview. "I said the day I got sworn in I
was going to tell the truth all the time, and I have."
Republicans say Quinn simply isn't good at governing.
"I don't think we've ever had less competency in the governor's
office," said Quinn's chief opponent, Republican state Sen. Bill
Brady.
Allies are quick to come to Quinn's defense.
"He came in at a very difficult time, and what appears to be
bouncing around from idea to idea is the governor trying to do his
best to piece it together," said Democratic Rep. Lou Lang of Skokie,
who worked with Quinn to pass a $31 billion public works program.
All but ignored when he was lieutenant governor, Quinn was
elevated after Blagojevich's impeachment and arrest on federal
corruption charges. Quinn and Blagojevich had been on the outs, but
Quinn still has not escaped being tainted by the man he served
alongside and critics blame them jointly for the state's financial
problems.
Quinn initially was enveloped in a bubble of good will, but the
honeymoon ended as he pushed the unpopular idea of a tax increase
while making management decisions that left many people scratching
their heads.
He angered legislators by keeping some of Blagojevich's aides or
giving them new state jobs. He demanded the resignations of everyone
on the University of Illinois board of trustees, then backed down
when two trustees refused to go after a scandal over secret clout in
the admissions process. He didn't follow through on threats to slash
state services if legislators rejected his budget proposals.
Quinn also gave raises to aides while cutting costs elsewhere. He
hung on to the director of the Corrections Department after a
botched early release program included violent offenders.
His handling of a bill to overhaul campaign finance laws showed
his early inexperience in such a powerful office, said Cynthia
Canary, executive director of the Illinois Campaign for Political
Reform.
Over objections from his own ethics commission, Quinn supported
reform legislation with serious weaknesses. He testified in favor of
it, but a storm of criticism persuaded legislators to start over,
and Quinn agreed to veto the bill he'd praised.
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"It really showed in some ways how as lieutenant governor he had
just not been on the field at all when it came to dealing with the
legislative leaders," Canary said.
"I give Quinn credit for having the chutzpah to veto his own
bill," she said.
Quinn points out that he wound up approving several ethics bills,
including Illinois' first limits on campaign contributions.
His former chief of staff, Jerry Stermer, said what some
derisively call flip-flopping is Quinn making compromises that
produce results.
"For him, adjustments are in order to get better outcomes,"
Stermer said.
The state budget has been the major challenge for most of Quinn's
nearly 21 months in office. He has pressed legislators to raise
income taxes, but they refused. He has pressed them to decide where
to cut spending, but they stuck him with that job.
Quinn notes he has worked with Democrats to pass major changes in
government pensions and reduce costs in the decades ahead. As part
of the compromise on ethics legislation, he got a constitutional
amendment on the fall ballot that would give voters power to recall
unpopular governors.
He pushed through the first major public works program in years,
providing billions of dollars for roads, bridges and other
infrastructure needs. Blagojevich never managed to accomplish that
because legislators didn't trust him to spend the money fairly.
Quinn was no stranger to Illinois politics when he replaced
Blagojevich. He had been lieutenant governor for six years and was
elected to one term as state treasurer in 1990. He lost a 1994 race
for secretary of state.
It was in the 1970s and 1980s that Quinn made a name for himself
as a political watchdog (or gadfly, to his critics). He led
successful efforts to bar legislators from collecting all their pay
in advance and to cut the number of Illinois House members by
one-third. He also helped create the consumer watchdog Citizens
Utility Board.
Now, in the spotlight of Illinois' top job, Quinn has said little
about his goals if the state's budget crisis ever ends.
Ralph Martire, head of the Center for Tax and Budget
Accountability, said Quinn's lack of consistency can be confusing to
voters on something as complex as a tax increase.
First, Quinn proposed raising the income tax rate from 3 percent
to 4.5 percent. Then he was willing to support a Senate bill with a
bigger tax increase. Later, he scaled back his proposal to a 1-point
boost solely for education.
"If you're going to be talking about something that you know most
voters are going to be resistant to hearing in the first place,"
Martire said, "I think you have to be very consistent and very
strong and very on-message all the time."
[Associated Press;
By DEANNA BELLANDI]
Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This
material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or
redistributed.
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