| 			
 Draw closer and there's something eerie about Ciudad Real's Central 
			Airport. There's hardly a plane in sight. Nobody's around. Cars can 
			only be heard faintly in the distance. 
 			This is one of Spain's "ghost airports" -- huge projects often funded 
			by taxpayer money that helped drive Spain's economic boom and now 
			symbolize the wasteful spending that contributed to its spectacular 
			bust.
 			Envisioned three years ago as a satellite airport for congested 
			Madrid, Central boasts one of Europe's longest runways, yet there's 
			hardly a skid-mark from the handful of weekly flights it now 
			handles. Its vast and airy terminal, designed to handle 2.5 million 
			passengers a year, echoes every sound.
 			Spain's downturn has played its role in Central's woes, but critics 
			say it was never a viable airport from the beginning -- a pork-barrel 
			project too far from the capital to serve any real purpose. 			
 
 			With Spain struggling to emerge from an economic downturn that has 
			saddled it with a euro-zone high unemployment rate of 21 percent, 
			principally due to the collapse of its oversized construction 
			sector, Central stands as a cautionary tale for a Spain adjusting to 
			leaner times.
 			But signs abound that Spain has not fully learned the lessons of its 
			profligate spending. Spain recently announced a high-speed rail link 
			to the sparsely populated northwest region of Galicia, a plan many 
			economists see as an extravagance. Bridge and highway projects are 
			plowing forward in the face of criticism that Spain just can't 
			afford them.
 			"We had great hopes for Central, we believed in it, dreamt about it, 
			we thought it was going to be the region's salvation," said Ciudad 
			Real taxi driver Enrique Buendia, who can hardly remember the last 
			time he got a run to the airport.
 			"But, when you mix politicians and business it's bad news."
 			Indeed, it's an unhealthy mix of politics and business that critics 
			blame for white elephants such as the airport in Ciudad Real, a city 
			of 74,000 people. Spain has a history of pouring public money into 
			dodgy projects to fuel the careers of ambitious politicians and 
			local entrepreneurs.
 			The airports and other projects illustrate how regional governments 
			and government-linked savings banks drove themselves into a debt 
			swamp from which it will take years to emerge.
 			Analysts see regional government debt as being one of the main drags 
			on Spain's bid to slash its deficit from 11.2 percent of GDP in 2009 
			to within the European Union limit of 3 percent by 2013.
 			Central is busy compared to two-year-old Huesca airport in northern 
			Spain, whose 30 employees won't see a commercial flight for some six 
			months. Its restaurant is busy, but with local people and because it 
			serves good meals. 			
 
 			Then there's Castellon on the airport-abundant eastern coast. 
			Costing some euro150 million, it opened in March and hasn't yet seen 
			a plane. It most likely won't for a while as the national airport 
			authority ponders whether to grant it a license.
 			Castellon was built on the promise of future theme parks that have 
			yet to materialize, making its future look bleak.
 			At its entrance there is to be a 24-meter (79 foot) statue to Carlos 
			Fabra, the provincial president of Castellon who commissioned the 
			project, and has been investigated several times for corruption.
 			"We have substituted our obsession with bricks and house building 
			with an obsession for highways, high speed trains and airports, but 
			it's the same rubbish," said Fernando Fernandez, a macroeconomics 
			Professor at IE Business School in Madrid.
 			"It's like a drug addict trying detox," he said. "The economy has 
			been growing through construction for the last 10 years and that 
			creates all sorts of bad habits."
 			Leon, Socialist Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero's 
			hometown, has turned a military airport into a commercial one but it 
			has only a handful of flights a week.
 			The city of 200,000 inhabitants is already reachable by a modern 
			highway and now is promised a high-speed rail stop as part of the 
			new bullet-train to Galicia. 			Meanwhile, southern Murcia has just built a second airport, half an 
			hour away from its perfectly good old one. Now there's talk of 
			Toledo, an hour away from Ciudad Real, building its own, too.
 
            
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 			Much of the problem stems from Spain's territorial makeup of 17 
			semiautonomous regions.
 			"This is a country of fiefdoms, like the Middle Ages, you know 'I 
			want my airport ... my convention center and my high-speed train,'" 
			said Stephen Matlin, managing director of the Matlin Associates 
			investment banking firm in Madrid.
 			"One or two airports is not the problem. It's when you take the 
			hundreds of thousands of projects, a billion dollars here, a billion 
			dollars there, pretty soon you're talking about a lot of money."
 			Central, about 235 kilometers (150 miles) south of Madrid, was 
			heavily funded by the regionally-controlled Caja Castilla La Mancha 
			savings bank that ended up being the first of Spain's troubled 
			savings banks to be bailed out by Spain's Central Bank last year. 			The airport, which cost some euro1.1 billion, was to have a 
			bullet-train stop to whisk people to Madrid but money and passengers 
			ran dry.
 			Critics say at that distance from Madrid, the rail link would never 
			have worked anyway. Madrid, meanwhile, resolved its congestion by 
			building a swanky new terminal. Now in receivership, Central's 
			looking for a buyer.
 			At the cafeteria, a handful of the airport's 90 employees staff have 
			coffee. A cleaner polishes the floor over and over. Panels flash 
			flights to and from New York, Stockholm and other distant locations, 
			but it's only because the technicians are checking that they work 
			properly. 			
			
			 
 			"The airport was a total rip-off," said Eva Acosta, 38, a publicity 
			agency employee. "Ciudad Real is too small for what they built. It 
			was a get-rich-quick scam between the politicians and the business 
			set."
 			Spain's two main political parties defend public infrastructure 
			projects and blame each other for the excesses. 			Rafael Simancas, the governing Socialist Party's spokesman for 
			infrastructure, argues that Spain for the last 20 years has 
			dedicated more on infrastructure than most of its wealthy neighbors 
			purely because it was coming from so far behind after the Franco 
			dictatorship that ended in 1978.
 			He said the government has trimmed public work spending by 40 
			percent because of the crisis but that Spain would continue to put 
			emphasis on infrastructure because it improves competitiveness.
 			Andres Ayala, his counterpart for the conservative opposition 
			Popular Party, tipped to form government after elections next year, 
			says the problem lies with financing, and that with more private 
			investment there would be fewer problems.
 			Both argue that when most of the questionable projects were drawn up 
			nobody could have foreseen the magnitude of the crisis to come.
 			But analysts say that unless Spain learns fast and begins investing 
			in a new economic model by pouring billions into education and 
			research and development, it could be headed for disaster.
 			"What we're doing is maintaining the old economic structure of the 
			country," said Fernandez. "Instead of investing in new skills for 
			people ... we spend money on keeping them busy to give the 
			appearance of bring the unemployment figures down."
 
              
              [Associated 
				Press; By CIARAN GILES] 
              
              Associated Press writer Harold Heckle contributed to this story from 
			Madrid.
              Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This 
				material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or 
				redistributed. 
              
				 
              
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