The current prime minister's father, Andreas Papandreou, and his
namesake grandfather were larger-than-life leaders credited as
reformist architects of modern Greece but also blamed by many for
the country's mountain of debt.
In a historic irony, George Jr. is being forced to dismantle state
projects championed by his leftwing father, who poured borrowed
billions into job guarantee schemes and expensive development
ventures that fostered corruption and helped lay the groundwork for
the current crisis.
"The son is paying for his father's sins," said author and political
commentator Nikos Dimou.
The scion of the Papandreous is the ultimate insider who's also seen
as something of an outsider.
He's known as "George the American" because he was born in St. Paul,
Minnesota, where his father taught at university. He studied at
Amherst College and Harvard University, among other prestigious
overseas educational institutions. During anti-government rallies,
protesters have chanted "George, Go Home!"
Papandreou now faces the near impossible task of sweeping away
graft, party patronage and corruption, while fixing wrecked national
finances.
He is under immense pressure from just about everyone: European and
IMF lenders, hostile opposition parties and the protesting public,
even one-time staunch supporters of his Socialist party, including
powerful unions and civil servants' groups.
A failure by Greece to pay back its debts could plunge many other EU
countries into financial turmoil and threaten the fragile global
economic recovery. At the same time, Papandreou has to manage the
anger of a public hit by savage budget cuts and spiraling
unemployment.
Many say Papandreou's approach to Greece's recovery is valid, but
that he lacks the strong leadership skills and charisma of his
father and his grandfather.
Andreas Papandreou's mastery of populist politics and his powers of
persuasion were exemplified in rousing speeches to hundreds of
thousands of supporters at mass rallies. They helped earn him three
terms in office in the 1980s and '90s as leader of the party he
founded — the Panhellenic Socialist Movement party, or PASOK.
He was credited with taking on the country's entrenched rightwing
elite but also blamed for expanding the established patronage system
that packed the public sector with loyalists in exchange for votes
and allowed Greeks to live beyond their means. The country's public
debt under his rule through the 1980s shot up dramatically.
"George Papandreou must somehow undo what PASOK has done throughout
its history," said Dimou, including taking on powerful trade unions
loathe to lose privileges.
It's a daunting task for George Papandreou, who has spent much of his
career in politics living up to the expectations of his powerful
family and an aging core of Socialist supporters.
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George Papandreou Sr. was also a three-time prime minister whose
involvement in Greek politics dated back to the 1920s. His
friendship and support of Greek liberal statesman Elftherios
Venizelos vaulted him to the forefront of the country's political
scene and kept him there for decades.
His liberal politics earned him powerful enemies among Greece's
right-wing establishment. But it was his staunch anti-monarchist
stance that prompted the political crisis that saw him ousted from
office and eventually led to a 1967-74 military dictatorship.
After military rule collapsed, George Sr.'s son, Andreas, galvanized
the center-left vote and swept to power in 1981.
Even party loyalists question whether the younger Papandreou has the
political strength to deal with Greece's financial woes.
Commentators point to Papandreou's difficulty in quelling dissent
within his party over the deeply unpopular austerity package that
has caused the Socialists to slip behind the rival conservatives in
opinion polls. Publisher George Kyrtsos argued that Papandreou mistakenly pandered
to unions and other party backers after losing a 2007 general
election in order to keep his position as party leader.
"He's a victim of his own tactics," Kyrtsos said.
He described Papandreou as an intelligent politician who grasps the
"big picture" of unfolding events, but who is let down by his own
weak management style and inability to keep track of details.
Analyst George Tzogopoulos said there's still some doubt as to
whether Papandreou can tame the trade unions and rein in party
dissenters.
"It's his last chance," Tzogopoulos said. "I give him a bit over 50
percent that he'll succeed."
What's more, Papandreou has been ineffective in communicating the
gravity of Greece's predicament, commentator Dimou said.
"This government has lost the game not only on handling the economy,
but also on public opinion," he said. "The government hasn't managed
to sufficiently explain the situation and that these measures are
necessary."
He also lacks his father's populist touch, Dimou argued -- a trait
that could be useful when facing a wave of public discontent.
"George Papandreou doesn't have the same personality, the charisma,"
he said. "It's like telling an actor without any talent to play
Hamlet ... He doesn't possess the talent."
[Associated
Press; By MENELAOS HADJICOSTIS]
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