Yes, she also supports abortion rights. But that wasn't her emphasis until Congress began considering potential restrictions on insurance coverage for abortion. Now, she's joined many other young feminists in mobilizing to protect a right they thought had been settled long ago.
"People of my generation do not remember when abortion wasn't safe, legal and available and it's been a shock to think we might not have that right," said the Colorado resident, a part-time student and Internet content developer.
Other young activists, though, are sitting out the fight, as the latest skirmish over abortion has exposed a proxy battle over the issue and its place on the contemporary feminist agenda.
Among many younger feminists, the matter of abortion rights, so central to the women's movement of the 1970s, does not confer the urgency it once did. For them, abortion is now part of a "reproductive justice" portfolio that also includes access to birth control and improving health care for poor and minority women.
Newcomers to the women's movement, secure in the knowledge that abortion is legal, have embraced a broader range of goals under the feminist umbrella, from body image awareness and gay marriage to the raping and genocide in Darfur. They largely are eschewing the national women's groups and mass marches on Washington that their mothers eagerly may have joined, in favor of online social networks and local organizing.
Then there's the ambivalence around abortion that's crept into the debate, as medical care has been able to save extremely premature infants and ultrasounds now can reveal a fetal heartbeat at the earliest stages of gestation.
While most young feminists firmly believe in abortion rights, they're also confronting the mixed feelings many women have about a procedure older activists fought to make safe and legally available.
"Everyone, if they step back from the hotness of the political environment, can acknowledge that nobody really knows when life begins," Woehr said, adding many young feminists seek "a little more agreement that everyone wants fewer abortions."
Such expressions of ambivalence were less common during the 1970s, when supporters and opponents of abortion rights framed the matter in stark terms of legal versus illegal, choice versus life. The 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court ruling shifted the landscape, transforming what had been a pressing political issue into a personal decision for women facing unplanned pregnancies.
But if Roe was a victory for the women's movement, it also had many unintended consequences. Anti-abortion activists have won restrictions on the procedure in many states, and the issue has taken on less urgency for many younger feminists who believe it's established law.
"In the 1970s, we were arguing whether abortion should be legal or illegal and that was a much easier debate, because women were dying when it was illegal. Now, the debate is more like abortion for who? To what extent and under what circumstances?" said Amy Richards, co-author of "Manifesta: Young Women, Feminism and the Future."
Perhaps because abortion rights activism seemed frozen in an earlier generation, many younger feminists have come to identify it as the province of older, white, college-educated women. "When you single out abortion, you get a very specific demographic," Richards said.
That's a view shared by Jenna Covey of the Minnesota Women's Campaign Fund. She said moving beyond abortion rights is essential to attracting a younger, more diverse range of activists to the cause.
"Abortion is no longer the No. 1 issue. It's about a spectrum of choices, not black-and-white single issues, that will re-engage women in the women's movement," Covey said.
There's no question that many have been galvanized into action by a proposal by Democratic Rep. Bart Stupak of Michigan that the House passed last month as part of its health care overhaul. Whether they are willing to see the health overhaul go down over potential restrictions to abortion is another matter.