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Numerous knotty issues arise in combining the bills, perhaps foremost whether to allow the government to sell insurance in competition with private companies. The Health committee bill includes such a so-called public plan but the Finance committee bill does not. Reid wasn't giving hints. Asked Wednesday if he thought it was likely there would be a public plan in his merged bill, he responded: "I'm not betting on health care.
'Likely' is in a game of craps." The insurance industry may have unwittingly helped the case for public coverage with its report asserting the Finance bill would raise premiums for everyone, since the public option could offer lower-cost care. But business groups and conservatives remain steadfastly opposed, so public option advocates are getting creative as they maneuver for the 60 votes needed to clear the 100-member Senate. Instead of an all-or-nothing approach, they're testing out possible compromises, such as leaving the decision on a public plan to states, or offering public coverage only as a backstop in areas where one insurer has a lock on the market
-- the approach favored by moderate Sen. Olympia Snowe, who has considerable leverage as the lone GOP vote in favor of the health care bill in the Finance Committee. Looking ahead to negotiations with the House, senators were also thinking about how to reconcile the very different methods the two chambers use to pay for their health bills. The House legislation would raise taxes on high earners, whereas the Senate Finance bill would tax high-value health insurance plans. Labor unions strongly oppose the insurance plan tax, fearing it would hit their members. The No. 2 Senate Democrat, Dick Durbin of Illinois, said Wednesday that he had similar concerns and that the bill probably will be changed to tax fewer high-cost health plans. "Of course, that will cost money," Durbin said, adding that he did not know where it would come from.
[Associated
Press;
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