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But that doesn't mean the past year has been without moments of deep change. A year ago, it would have been unthinkable to chant slogans against Khamenei or challenge his authority. It's now common and has punched holes in the political firewall that once separated the theocracy from the people. At the same time, Iran's rulers have retrenched and handed more control to the Revolutionary Guard. The result has been a far more aggressive hand at home and a less compromising attitude aboard
-- including a hard line over Iran's nuclear program that brought another wave of U.N. sanctions this week. On Thursday, the leader of the Revolutionary Guard, Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari, was quoted by Iranian media as saying that the postelection turmoil posed more of a threat to Iran's rulers than the 1980-88 war with Iraq. During Friday prayers in Tehran, ultraconservative cleric Ahmad Khatami again insisted that last year's election was free of any fraud and turned the tables on the opposition
-- accusing them of trying to undermine the country's "religious democracy" by challenging the outcome. Although the Islamic rulers apparently have gained the upper hand on the streets, other potential troubles are ahead. Iran's economy suffers from a losing equation: too much money is spent on subsidies for food and fuel and not enough is coming in from exports of oil and other goods. It's compounded by double-digit inflation, 25 percent unemployment and the economic isolation from U.N. sanctions. Ahmadinejad is under pressure to follow through with subsidy cuts. In April, a speech by Ahmadinejad in southern Iran was interrupted by people shouting: "We are unemployed!" Later, the government posted a defense of the nation's economic policies on websites. It's part of the media-age clash that has defined much of the postelection fallout. Each side has bombarded the other with words and images on outlets ranging from Iran's English-language Press TV to the host of pro-reform news sites that have sprouted since the election. Iranian authorities have routinely cut off mobile phone and Internet access on days of expected protests. In response, opposition groups have turned to proxy sites and other ways to bypass the controls. Mahmood Enayat, a researcher at the Oxford Internet Institute in Britain, believes Iranian authorities will strengthen their grip on the Web and force the opposition to adopt methods that don't require Internet access
-- noting that leaflets and cassette tapes were widely used in the 1979 Islamic Revolution. "These days the digital equivalents of them will be CDs, DVDs, memory sticks, e-mail, Bluetooth on mobile phones, peer-to-peer file sharing, etc.," he wrote in a Web post this week. "The Green Movement only has the Internet but it has to change its approach."
[Associated
Press;
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