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One experiment in U.N. coordination with world militaries has faltered: an OCHA database listing transport planes, rescue teams and other military assets potentially available for disaster response. The U.S. military, by far the most capable, never offered any listings. "I think we're moving away from the Central Register," Alan Butterfield, of OCHA's civil-military coordination section, said of the database. The sometimes halting civil-military cooperation in Haiti, where the U.S. Southern Command deployed as many as 20,000 personnel to help the recovery, could be seen in a series of formal U.S.-U.N. agreements needed to clear away obstacles. On Jan. 18, six days after the quake and after aid officials complained U.S. Air Force controllers at Port-au-Prince airport favored U.S. military flights over inbound relief supplies, the Pentagon reached an agreement with the U.N. giving priority to aid flights. Working out a "slot" system took days more. On Jan. 22, the U.S. agreed to support priorities in Haiti identified by the U.N.
-- not unconditionally, but "as appropriate." That three-page document also said further coordination steps were needed. Not until Jan. 26, two full weeks after the quake, did the U.S. and U.N. set up a joint center to arrange security for aid deliveries, a concern from the start. Rather than rely on belated agreements, Inomata's U.N. recommendations likely would establish such priorities and structures beforehand by international regulations and standards. Despite its big role, the U.S. military doesn't coordinate at high levels with the U.N. relief structure. After the quake, it took five days for Holmes' OCHA to embed a liaison at the Southern Command's Miami headquarters, in part because the Americans required someone with U.S. security clearance. "It might have been good if they (OCHA's civil-military coordinators) were brought into the picture earlier on," disaster specialist Linda Poteat of Interaction, a coalition of U.S. aid groups, said in a telephone interview from Haiti. Like others, she expressed dismay at the early delays in humanitarian flights. Pentagon spokesman Cmdr. Bob Mehal said the U.S. military takes disaster-response requests from the State Department, not the United Nations. U.N. authorities "do not contact the Defense Department directly," he said. An internal NATO study was more blunt. "US agencies did not coordinate with UN," the 2008 report observed about the military's response to the Indian Ocean tsunami, which killed some 230,000 people in 11 countries. "They had the perception that the UN is useless." As a result, the NATO authors said, there was "duplication and overlap of aid in some regions, whereas other regions were neglected." On the U.N. side, the 2006 inspector's report cited weaknesses in OCHA's staffing, now numbering 1,965, saying its system of one-year contracts produces instability and a high turnover. Holmes himself took to task OCHA's own "clusters" in Haiti, the system devised after the tsunami that assigns to single agencies the task of coordinating aid from many groups
-- UNICEF for the water cluster, for example, and the Red Cross for emergency shelter. He said some cluster leaders had failed to devote enough hands and heads to coordinating up to 200 organizations. "A huge emergency like this has brought out the extent to which managing these clusters is a full-time job," he told the AP. Like nothing before, the enormity of the Haiti emergency swamped the world's ability to help. Disaster specialists now will look into that swamp for clues to next time. But no one mistakes what the big problem was. "What's gone wrong in Haiti?" repeated Laurent Sury, an emergency operations deputy with Doctors Without Borders. "The earthquake, that's what went wrong." Said Holmes, "There are limits to being 100 percent prepared."
[Associated
Press;
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