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Once limited to the most senior and powerful lawmakers, earmarking pet projects and grants mushroomed after Republicans took over Congress in 1995. Then, GOP leaders like House Speaker Newt Gingrich of Georgia and Majority Whip Tom DeLay of Texas saw earmarks as a way to help endangered Republicans keep their seats and to reward lawmakers loyal to GOP leaders. Boehner, by contrast, has never sought an earmark. Estimates vary, but earmarks went from more than 1,300 projects worth nearly $8 billion in 1994 to a peak of nearly 14,000 projects worth more than $27 billion in 2005, according to Citizens Against Government Waste, a watchdog group that opposes the practice. Democrats cut back the number and cost of earmarks somewhat and presided over changes that made the process more transparent by requiring the sponsors of the specially targeted programs and grants to disclose them. That's made it easier for outsiders to track a "pay-to-play" system in which lobbyists and corporate executives showered lawmakers with campaign funds in exchange for earmarks. The new Senate moratorium is a nonbinding statement. It doesn't outright block a lawmaker from seeking an earmark, and some GOP senators have said they still will try to find a way to win them.
"If the Obama administration and their bureaucrats in the federal agencies take action against the best interests of South Carolina, I will take swift action to correct their wrongs," Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said. Graham has been feuding with home-state GOP colleague Jim DeMint -- a leader of the movement to ban earmarks
-- over an effort to win federal money for a project to deepen the Port of Charleston so it can accept larger ships. Other Senate Republicans, like Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma, maintain they'll also try to find a way to earmark regardless.
[Associated
Press;
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