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"He's been helping local candidates and the parties raise money and appearing at local grassroots events
-- the kinds of things you need to do in a caucus state like ours," Strawn said. It could be that kind of ground game that reintroduces him to voters, who remember him as the bomb-throwing leader of the fiercely partisan Republican revolution. In recent years, Gingrich has become the Republican party's wonkish policy guru. His grasp of the arcane was on display during a recent stop at the University of Iowa, where he was in his element among a crowd of doctors discussing electronic medical records, one of his pet issues. Gingrich listened intently, rattling off questions even though he seemed to know far more about the issues than his audience. Trauma surgeon Todd McKinley, for one, liked what he heard. "I don't agree with everything he said but I liked that he bases his arguments on reason and intellect, not anecdote and emotion," said McKinley, who lives in Iowa City. Supporters say Gingrich has the intellectual heft and long track record to counter Obama, who will be running with the powerful mantle of an incumbent president. Gingrich also has plenty of money. His tax-exempt conservative group, American Solutions for Winning the Future, is a fundraising juggernaut that raked in $13.7 million in contributions last year, according to federal disclosure reports. It has allowed Gingrich to stay on the road, keeping his name and face in the news. Though Gingrich is a consummate insider, he can also play to the anti-incumbent crowd by stressing his roots as the leader of the Republican revolution in the 1990s, in some ways the precursor to the tea party movement.
Gingrich has lived in Northern Virginia for more than a decade, but aides have been sizing up office space in Atlanta, and his old home state of Georgia is likely to play a pivotal role as he seeks to shore up support in the South and escape being labeled a Beltway insider. In recent years, Gingrich has been busy at the helm of his network of lucrative commercial and not-for-profit political ventures. At a fundraiser for a state representative at a tiny community center in Fruitland, Iowa, Gingrich talked up his early support for ethanol to murmurs of approval. The stance earned him the wrath of The Wall Street Journal's editorial board, which Gingrich brandished like a populist badge of honor to the plaid-shirted farmers. And his message of personal responsibility seems to play well in the stoic Midwestern state. He sums it up this way: "Teach the values we believe in and look at the world that works. It's pretty simple." "You're guaranteed the right to pursue happiness, not the right to be happy," Gingrich said. "There is no federal Department of Happiness." ___ Online: Newt Gingrich: www.newt.org/
[Associated
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