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"The authorities are playing the ethnic and sectarian game in a very well studied manner to terrorize the Syrian people," said Fares Tammo, a Kurdish activist who lives in Iraq. His father, Mashaal, a prominent Kurdish opposition figure, was assassinated in October. Since the uprising began, Assad portrayed himself as the lone force who can ward off the radicalism that bedevils neighboring Iraq and Lebanon. The regime also has a distinct advantage in an armed conflict, as its army is strong and has remained loyal to Assad. The Free Syrian Army, by contrast, have little more than AK-47s and rocket-propelled grenades, and they acknowledge running low on ammunition and money. As the conflict becomes more violent, parts of the opposition movement are taking on overt religious overtones and Islamic movements in and out of the country are vying to gain influence over the revolt in hopes of gathering power if Assad falls. A string of anti-regime suicide bombings have raised fears of al-Qaida involvement. The groups range from violent jihadi movements to political moderates like the Muslim Brotherhood, which has already used the Arab Spring revolts to vault to power in Tunisia and Egypt elections. Still, their growing influence is causing divisions in an already fractured opposition. Amer Mattar, a Syrian journalist who was forced to flee the country after being convicted of "weakening national sentiments"
-- a term often used against those who challenge the regime -- said Assad tried to militarize the protests from the start. "The regime wants weapons to be the only solution in Syria," Mattar told The Associated Press by telephone from Jordan. "But we will not allow that. Peaceful protests will continue."
[Associated
Press;
Bassem Mroue can be reached on twitter at http://twitter.com/bmroue.
Bassem Mroue is a correspondent in Lebanon who has covered the Middle East since 1992.
Copyright 2012 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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