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			 Although many Iranians still fervently believe in their country's 
			right to all aspects of a civilian nuclear program, including those 
			regarded with suspicion in the West, they are increasingly tired of 
			the high economic price. 
 That weariness will form the backdrop on June 16 when Iran's 
			political leaders send negotiators to Geneva for talks with six 
			world powers aimed at hammering out an agreement that swaps 
			concessions on uranium enrichment for sanctions relief.
 
 "I love my country but I love my family more, and for years I have 
			worked hard to cope with the rising prices," said Ali Mirzai, a 
			father of three in the northern city of Rasht.
 
 "I am tired. My only hope now is (President Hassan) Rouhani. He is 
			trying to improve the economy by resolving the nuclear issue. I 
			believe in him and his policies."
 
 Mirzai, like millions of Iranians who bore the brunt of the 
			sanctions, voted last year for pragmatist Rouhani after he promised 
			to improve the flagging economy in part by striking a deal with the 
			outside world.
 
 
			 
			Although there are no reliable opinion polls in Iran, Rouhani's 
			large margin of victory on a platform of compromise, and anecdotal 
			evidence gleaned from recent telephone interviews across the country 
			suggest strong public appetite for a deal.
 
 "Rouhani and his team will solve this issue. I am sure his moderate 
			and compromising policy will work. We don't need hostility," said 
			Arvin Sadri, 31, who runs his father's furniture factory in the 
			northern holy city of Mashhad.
 
 After several rounds of talks last year, a preliminary deal was 
			penned in Geneva in November, including a limited easing of 
			sanctions in exchange for Iran halting some nuclear activities.
 
 The agreement took effect on Jan. 20, and was designed to buy time 
			for a final deal within six months. As the deadline fast approaches, 
			the lifting of some sanctions has given Iranians a taste of how 
			things might improve.
 
 Maryam Simai, 41, a schoolteacher in the central city of Yazd said 
			she supports the atomic program and believes sanctions are unfair. 
			But she still favors compromise.
 
 "I want to live in peace. I don't want to fear for the future of my 
			children. The tension with the international community and sanctions 
			have ruined our economy and has isolated us," she said.
 
 LAME DUCK
 
 If a lifting of sanctions is important to many Iranians, it is vital 
			for the political hopes of Rouhani, a self-proclaimed moderate who 
			has pledged to boost the economy.
 
 "A deal with the world powers will bring political and economic 
			stability to Iran. Rouhani's political future depends on this deal. 
			He will become a lame duck president if he fails to reach a deal," 
			said political analyst Hasan Feghhi.
 
 Analysts and economists say he has only partially succeeded in 
			repairing economic damage that Iran suffered during years of 
			confrontation with the West, particularly under his hardline 
			predecessor Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
 
			
			 The official inflation rate has halved to around 20 percent since 
			Rouhani's election, but unemployment remains around 30 percent and 
			the gap between rich and poor is widening. Meanwhile, Iran's rial 
			has dropped against the U.S. dollar.
 "I support my country's nuclear achievements but at the same time I 
			don’t think it is logical to pay a heavy price for it," said Jinus 
			Dadgostar, 18, who lives in the affluent neighborhood of Zaferaniyeh 
			in northern Tehran.
 
 Years of official rhetoric denying that sanctions were hurting and 
			glorifying the country's supposed self-reliance resonated with some 
			Iranians, who said they were happy to suffer to defend a program 
			that came to symbolize national pride.
 
 However, Iran's traditionally cautious clerical rulers, loath to 
			incite any Arab Spring-style domestic unrest or provoke harsher 
			international action, have adopted more emollient language in recent 
			months, diplomats said."Iran's clerical rulers need this deal to 
			guarantee their power. That is why they have changed their tone," 
			said a Tehran-based western diplomat, speaking on condition of 
			anonymity.
 
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			But because a failure of talks would rebound even harder on 
			pragmatist Rouhani and his allies, they can still afford to take a 
			harder position than the president, the diplomat added.
 "No deal or a bad deal will strengthen hardliners in Iran."
 
			SUPREME LEADER
 Rouhani's position is made more complicated because although his 
			status as president gives him a big say, it is lower in Iran's 
			political hierarchy than that of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali 
			Khamenei, who has the last word on the nuclear file.
 
 Backing away from atomic defiance could be politically tricky for 
			Khamanei, who has supported hardline positions on the nuclear file 
			in the past.
 
 But, for now, he appears to fear the economic problems caused by 
			sanctions could weaken his position and he has cautiously backed the 
			talks, calling for "heroic flexibility" but still expressing 
			pessimism about the outcome.
 
 "The members of the team work under direct guidance of the leader 
			(Khamenei). Everything is being reported to him and he sets the tone 
			for the Iranian negotiators," said a senior Iranian official, who 
			asked to be unnamed.
 
 One sign of Khamanei's current support for some form of compromise 
			can be deciphered in the hardline media, which has started 
			publishing articles that justify a more conciliatory approach, often 
			citing economic hardship.
 
 Oil exports account for around 60 percent of Iran's economy, much of 
			its food and animal feed come from abroad, and many of its factories 
			assemble goods from imported parts.
 
 
			
			 
			"I am tired of this nuclear dispute. For years we feared further 
			economic pressure and possible military action. A nuclear deal is 
			our only chance to live in peace," said interior designer Mastaneh 
			Alavi in the northwestern city of Tabriz.
 
 But many Iranians contacted by Reuters still argued for a "balanced" 
			nuclear deal, saying it would be unfair to deny their country a 
			technology possessed by Pakistan, India and Israel.
 
 "As our leader said, we will not accept closure of our nuclear 
			facilities," said Asghar Seydani, 38, who is a member of the 
			hardline Basij militia in the western city of Kermanshah.
 
 "No sir, I will not accept it. If necessary, I am ready to sacrifice 
			my blood for continuation of our nuclear activities."
 
 From businessmen in Tehran to housewives in Shiraz, many Iranians 
			dread possible consequences of failure of the talks including 
			further sanctions and even military attack.
 
 The United States and Iran’s arch foe Israel have not ruled out 
			military action if diplomacy fails to resolve Iran’s nuclear 
			dispute. However, analysts say such an attack could well consolidate 
			the clerical establishment’s power.
 
 Khamenei, for his part, said on Wednesday he did not consider a 
			military strike was an option for the United states.
 
 "America has now understood that a military attack is not a 
			priority. They know that such attacks are even more dangerous for 
			the attacker than for the country attacked.”
 
 (Editing by Angus McDowall and Ralph Boulton)
 
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