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			 Putting to use a manufacturing portfolio that stretches from pasta 
			and refrigerators to tablet computers, the military announced to 
			great fanfare in April that it was offering vocational training to 
			jobseekers in a new joint venture with the civilian government. 
 It was part of a push to tackle joblessness, and evidence of a more 
			prominent role for the army's economic muscle, with its former 
			chief, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, the runaway favorite to become 
			president in May 26-7 elections.
 
 Egypt's unemployment crisis could make or break his presidency. The 
			2011 uprising against Hosni Mubarak was largely fuelled by anger at 
			the grim prospects facing young Egyptians unable to find work, 
			afford their own home and get married.
 
 Since then, as foreign investors and tourists shied away from the 
			country of 85 million, the job crisis has only got worse.
 
 "The problem is a time bomb," said Mahmoud El-Sherbiny. He heads a 
			government industrial training scheme tapping for the first time the 
			Ministry of Military Production.
 
 "If it does not work it will blow up in front of everyone's faces," 
			he said. "They don't want to be faced by another revolution within 
			the next year."
 
             
            "RESPONSIBILITIES TOWARDS SOCIETY"
 
 Though it may appear to be a drop in the ocean - the scheme aims to 
			train 100,000 youths in skills needed by industry - it shows the 
			army's readiness to back government and its evolving role in shaping 
			domestic policy.
 
 The beneficiaries include those at a heavily guarded complex run by 
			the Ministry of Military Production on the outskirts of Cairo - 
			young men and women in blue coats receiving training to be 
			mechanics, industrial machine operators or to build circuit boards.
 
 Accompanying journalists during a visit there in April, the State 
			Minister for Military Production, Major General Ibrahim Younis 
			Ismail Ragab, described the project as part of his ministry's 
			"responsibilities towards society".
 
 The ministry sits at the heart of an army-controlled sector of the 
			economy likened by critics to a state within a state.
 
 Some analysts estimate its financial empire could amount to as much 
			as 40 percent of the economy. Sisi told Reuters in a May 15 
			interview it was no more than 2 percent.
 
 GULF MONEY
 
 Since Sisi toppled Islamist President Mohamed Mursi last July, 
			following mass protests against his rule, the army's economic role 
			has become even more apparent.
 
 The military has positioned itself as the channel for some of the 
			billions of dollars flowing into Egypt from the Gulf, for example.
 
 Sherbiny said the Ministry of Military Production had never before 
			agreed to open its facilities to a civilian-run training program.
 
 But it is not doing it for free. The United Arab Emirates is 
			bankrolling the scheme, part of billions of dollars in aid sent to 
			Egypt by Gulf states hostile to the Brotherhood, and the civilian 
			authorities pay Military Production for their services.
 
 "The (project) adds to the image of the military as Egypt's 
			guardians - not just in terms of politics and security, but 
			social-economically as well - the only institution capable of 
			addressing Egypt's multiple problems," said Oliver Coleman, senior 
			analyst at Maplecroft risk research company.
 
 "The military may have the economic clout to improve youth 
			employment in some sectors - manufacturing primarily. But in terms 
			of the overall economy, the impact will be extremely modest."
 
            
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			According to official rates, more than 13 percent of the Egyptian 
			workforce are unemployed. This figure, higher than the 8.9 percent 
			on the eve of the 2011 revolt, masks the wider problem of 
			underemployment in a low-wage economy. Official figures rarely tell 
			the full story in a country where much business activity goes under 
			the radar.
 A SPARK FOR REVOLT?
 
 Sisi has listed unemployment as a priority, but has given little 
			detail on how he will tackle it. He is eyed with suspicion by some 
			young Egyptians who see him as a return to the army-backed order 
			against which they rebelled in 2011.
 
			"Now another military man will rule," said Abdelrahman, a scowling 
			20-year-old at a street cafe in Cairo. "If he makes one mistake as 
			president, the entire people will revolt against him."
 Like many young Egyptians idling in the coffee shops, Abdelrahman is 
			unemployed and lives at home. He had a job at a clothing store that 
			paid him 800 Egyptian pounds ($110) a month but was sacked for 
			folding a shirt the wrong way. "Of course I'm angry," he said.
 
 The government's new training scheme aims to address a skills 
			mismatch partly rooted in a state policy that has for decades 
			offered free tertiary education to those with adequate grades, 
			producing a surplus of accountants and engineers who often end up 
			driving taxis.
 
			The Industrial Training Council (ITC), which belongs to the Industry 
			Ministry, held a job fair earlier this year offering 20,000 jobs in 
			the industrial sector, but only 7,000 people came, an ITC official 
			said.
 Some believe the Ministry of Military Production may be harnessed 
			even more widely to help address the mismatch.
 
 "The best welders in Egypt are known to have come from those 
			(military production) centers," said Sameh Seif Elyazal, a former 
			army general who now heads a political research center and says he 
			is often in contact with Sisi.
 
			
			 
			"Military production is part of the entire solution."
 
 With perhaps a fifth of graduates unemployed, changing mindsets 
			could be a harder nut to crack.
 
 Many youths, such as 22-year old engineering student Mohamed Abdel 
			Kader, refuse to take up blue-collar jobs like those in the military 
			scheme, because they are holding out for something to match their 
			education.
 
 "There's no way - I study for five years and then do something else? 
			I must have an appropriate job," he said.
 
 ($1 = 7.1126 Egyptian Pounds)
 
 (Editing by Tom Perry and Will Waterman)
 
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