|
 The poster depicted Abbas looking fierce, with menacing eyes and
bloodied fangs. A disappointed-looking Netanyahu turns to his aide
and asks: "Can you lengthen his fangs a tad?"
The prime minister has lost no time in casting Abbas as the devil in
recent months, accusing him of inciting violence in Jerusalem that
has lead to the death of 11 Israelis, including four rabbis stabbed
and shot by Palestinians in a synagogue. Around a dozen Palestinians
have also been killed, including several of those who carried out
the attacks.
While the head of Israel's security service says Abbas is not
inciting unrest, and centrist politicians have warned Netanyahu
against alienating the only partner Israel has in stalled peace
negotiations, the prime minister shows no sign of letting up in his
criticism of the 79-year-old Palestinian.
The reason, in large part, is politics.
With Netanyahu's 20-month-old, right-wing coalition looking
increasingly shaky and talk of early elections growing, all the
constituent parties are trying to shore up their base. The threat to
Netanyahu comes from nationalist groups on the far-right, and so he
has sought to head off their challenge.
 As well as demonizing Abbas, he has pushed a highly contentious bill
that would establish Israel as the Jewish nation state, legislation
critics say puts religion ahead of democracy and marginalizes the
Arab minority.
He has resumed demolishing the homes of Palestinians suspected of
terrorism, a tactic halted in 2005 after the Israeli army said it
was counterproductive, although surveys suggest many Israelis
support it.
Netanyahu has also threatened to revoke the residency permit of
anyone involved in terrorism. Acting for the first time on the
pledge, Israel announced on Wednesday it was cancelling the East
Jerusalem permit of the wife of one of the synagogue attackers, who
must now return to the West Bank.
When combined with Israel's ongoing construction of settlements on
occupied territory and an increasingly abrasive relationship with
allies including the United States, the upshot is the most hardline
government analysts can recall.
"This is the most right-wing government in Israeli history, much
further to the right than the Menachem Begin or Ariel Sharon
governments," said Menachem Klein, a professor of Israeli politics
at Bar-Ilan University near Tel Aviv.
 When there are heightened security fears, as with the Gaza war and
the violence in Jerusalem, Israeli society and politics tend to
shift quickly to the right. Rather than that being uncomfortable for
Netanyahu, it is familiar territory.
"He is originally from the far-right, that is his base. His beliefs,
his heart are there," said Klein.
"He assumes early elections are on the horizon and he is competing
with (Foreign Minister Avigdor) Lieberman and (Economy Minister
Naftali) Bennett for leadership of the far-right," he said,
referring to the leaders of the nationalist, pro-settler parties in
his coalition.
STILL TWO-STATE SOLUTION?
The rightward shift may have a logic to it, but is likely to have
profound, long-term consequences.
[to top of second column] |
The last round of peace talks between Israel and the Palestinians
was called off in April, after nine months of largely fruitless
discussion. The Palestinians said Israel was not meeting its
commitments on settlements and prisoner releases; the Israelis did
not like Abbas's reconciliation with Hamas, the Islamist group that
runs Gaza.
In the seven months since, differences have hardened. Almost no one
on the Israeli or Palestinian side, or long-term observers of the
peace process, sees any near-term prospect of a return to
negotiations on a two-state solution. Instead, unilateralism has
ensued.
The Palestinians are pushing for a U.N. statehood resolution. Even
if it has little chance of success, it has been encouraged by
Sweden's formal recognition and non-binding votes in European
parliaments supporting an independent Palestinian state.
On its side, Israel has pushed ahead with settlements in East
Jerusalem and the West Bank, territory it has occupied since 1967
and which the Palestinians want for a future state.
In the absence of a two-state solution, Bennett - perhaps the
biggest political threat to Netanyahu - is suggesting that Israel
annex 60 percent of the West Bank and offer Palestinians citizenship
in an enlarged Israel.
Combined with the nation-state bill, which would enshrine certain
rights for Jews only, that has alarmed Arabs living in Israel and
Palestinians who worry about Israel's long-term territorial goals.
"In terms of the nation-state bill, its effects on the peace process
are immense," said Grant Rumley, a Middle East expert at the
Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies.
"It solidifies another gap," he said, making it much more difficult
to bring the sides back to negotiations.
Klein believes Netanyahu has no genuine interest in a two-state
solution. Instead, the Israeli leader hints at Palestinian autonomy
in the West Bank, with security remaining in Israel's hands, as
would control of the West Bank border with Jordan.
"We are already in one regime," he said, referring to Israeli
control of the whole area from the Jordan River to the
Mediterranean.
"The government doesn't plan to stop this de facto annexation and
the Palestinian Authority has no strategy to stop it."
(Editing by Robin Pomeroy)
[© 2014 Thomson Reuters. All rights
reserved.] Copyright 2014 Reuters. All rights reserved. This material may not be published,
broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
 |
