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 His 2004 presidential election loss, lack of legislative monuments
despite 28 years in the Senate, and failure, like many before, to
bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians have contributed to a view
that he struggles to seal major successes.
The 71-year-old has expended remarkable energy in pursuit of what
would be an historic agreement with Iran, flying tens of thousands
of miles and holding dozens of meetings with his Iranian
counterpart. He plans to attend the possible last stage of the
nuclear talks in Vienna ahead of a June 30 deadline, despite
breaking his leg late last month.
Kerry's negotiating style with Iran is a cocktail of boundless
energy, tactical flexibility and occasional hardball, according to
officials involved in the talks.
Still, critics say he has broken some classic rules of negotiation,
overshadowing the principal U.S. negotiator Wendy Sherman; meeting
Iranians regularly rather than holding himself in reserve; and
exuding an air of eagerness for a deal.
 Supporters say no one will work harder for an accord and that his
unsuccessful efforts to end Syria's civil war or the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict shows he is willing to risk failure
while tackling the hardest problems.
DIPLOMACY BY ODOMETER?
Kerry's determination to headline the talks is obvious from his
travel schedule.
In the last six months, he has met his Iranian counterpart, Mohammad
Jawad Zarif everywhere from Geneva, Paris, Davos, Lausanne, Montreux
and Munich to New York City.
Veteran negotiators say Kerry's willingness to meet the Iranians so
often makes it look like he is chasing a deal, rather than
intervening only when the toughest issues remain.
"Being secretary of state by odometer is a very false measure," said
Richard Armitage, a deputy secretary of state under Republican
President George W. Bush.
"The administration is too eager," added Armitage. "Iranians can
smell this. And if the secretary of state is willing to
airmail himself in at the 11th and a half hour every time, what
incentive is it for the Iranians to give you their bottom line?"
Armitage reserved judgment on the nuclear deal, stressing the need
for short-notice inspections of Iranian facilities to ensure Tehran
is not cheating.
Under a deal, Iran would curb its nuclear work in return for
sanctions relief. Crucial differences remain between six major
powers and Iran, even after a framework deal was agreed on April 2.
Senior U.S. officials disputed that Kerry has undermined Sherman,
saying the two work extremely well together and that some issues can
only be resolved at the highest levels.
They also said Kerry had shown himself willing to play hardball.
With a deadline looming in Lausanne on March 27, Kerry paid a
late-night visit to Zarif's hotel room to say that if the Iranians
didn't show flexibility, he would tell foreign ministers flying in
to finalize the interim accord not to turn up, the officials said.
The next morning, Iran raised an issue it previously refused to
negotiate, the officials said, declining to identify it. An Iranian
official declined comment.
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AT THE TABLE
Kerry became secretary of state in 2013 after a long Senate career
in which he was not known as a deal-broker.
He was credited with helping normalize U.S. relations with Vietnam
and investigating the Bank of Credit and Commerce International. He
poured his heart into long-shot bipartisan climate change
legislation that failed in 2010.
Some who watched Kerry up close describe a senator eager to take on
complex, sometimes arcane issues and doggedly pursue them even when
it became clear to others they were lost causes.
"There's a sense that he loves a mission that might lead to glory,"
said a person with knowledge of Kerry's work on an ill-fated "super
committee" formed to find $1.5 trillion in government savings. "He's
like a shark; he can't stop swimming."
The day after the committee collapsed, Kerry summoned some members
to his office in search of a breakthrough.
"Everybody but him knew it was a bridge too far," this person said.
In the final push for the April framework deal, Kerry left the
negotiating room to take a call from the White House and returned
with a markedly tougher stance, said several officials briefed on
the incident.
These officials interpreted it as a sign of White House control. A
senior U.S. official said he was unaware of the White House telling
Kerry to harden his stance and that if such an incident occurred, it
was likely a ploy to pressure Iran.
"Since it was not always his modus operandi, when he did show a very
blunt edge, it got the point across very effectively," said a former
senior official for one of the six powers negotiating with Iran.
Critics and supporters of Kerry agree that an Iran deal would seal
Kerry's legacy despite his earlier failures.
"If Kerry hits one grand slam no one will remember his other
strikeouts," said Karim Sadjadpour, a Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace analyst.
(Additional Reporting by Louis Charbonneau at the United Nations;
Richard Cowan in Washington and Parisa Hafezi in Ankara; editing by
Stuart Grudgings)
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