When the Supreme Court reaches a decision in the King v. Burwell case, which
could come any day now, the 34 states that use the federal exchange may be
forced to either set up state exchanges or lose their health care subsidies
entirely. A ruling for the plaintiffs would put at stake over $1.7 billion per
month in subsidies to over 6.3 million people.
Under the Affordable Care Act, individuals can qualify for subsidies to purchase
health insurance on marketplaces run by the states or the federal government.
But the high court has been asked to quash subsidies flowing through the federal
exchange because the text of the ACA indicates, in a strict interpretation
favored by the plaintiffs in the case, subsidies may only flow through
state-level exchanges.
Though nothing is certain right now, some states are taking steps to prepare for
the effective end of the federal exchange. Others, though, are doubling down on
their opposition to Obamacare.
Pennsylvania is the leader of the former camp. Earlier this month, it became the
first state to obtain conditional approval from the federal government to set up
a state exchange if the federal exchange is axed. Under the contingency plan,
the state would run a call center and conduct outreach and education efforts
while contracting with the federal government to continue to use HealthCare.gov.
“We would only move forward with this if there is no other recourse available to
us,” Jeff Sheridan, spokesman for Pennsylvania Gov. Tom Wolf, told Watchdog on
Tuesday.
If the Supreme Court were to rule that federal subsidies can stay, Pennsylvania
would immediately pull the application, Sheridan said. The state would do the
same thing if Congress acted to extend federal subsidies or re-write the ACA in
the wake of the Burwell decision, he said.
About 350,000 Pennsylvanians stand to lose subsidies.
Delaware, where the subsidies of about 20,000 people are at risk, submitted a
contingency plan similar to Pennsylvania’s and received approval. So did
Arkansas.
Delaware Secretary of Health and Social Services Rita Landgraf expressed
confidence the state’s largely Democratic legislature would approve Democratic
Gov. Jack Markell’s plan should it become necessary.
Landgraf described the plan as “a (federally) supported state-based market
place” and said the transition would likely be “not that heavy of a lift for
us.”
But the state exchanges have proven to be a heavier lift than expected in many
places.
The federal exchange became a much-publicized disaster when it first went live
in November 2013. After being shut down and rebooted the following spring, it
has functioned better.
State-run exchanges continue to run into problems.
Hawaii canned its state exchange earlier this month and joined the federal
exchange after spending more than $130 million trying to make the state website
work properly.
Oregon, after spending $248 million (some of it on a widely mocked advertising
campaign trying to entice hipsters to sign up for health insurance), ended up
dumping its Cover Oregon state exchange too.
Even states still clinging to their exchanges have had problems. In Minnesota,
the MNSure exchange failed to work for 75 percent of the people who tried to use
it during its first year, and state officials running the exchange got huge pay
raises even as problems continued.
If the federal exchange goes away, states that have already abandoned their own
exchanges will likely have to get them up and running again (or, perhaps, for
the first time). States that never set up their own exchanges will have to
figure out how to do it, and pay for it.
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Sheridan said Pennsylvania plans to rent the platform currently
being used by Healthcare.gov, thus avoiding some of the costly
aspects of building a state-specific platform. The state would pay
for the website the same way the feds are currently paying for
theirs: with a fee on insurance companies using the exchange.
The state’s Republican-controlled legislature would still have to
approve Wolf’s plan for it to be implemented.
That’s a political challenge many states could face.
States with Republican governors, several of whom campaigned
vigorously against the ACA, could find themselves in a difficult
situation.
Florida Gov. Rick Scott and Texas Gov. Greg Abbott have the most
to lose if the court rules for King, with over 1.3 million people in
Florida and over 800,000 in Texas currently receiving federal
subsidies. Both governors, however, have refused to expand Medicaid
under Obamacare and have voiced strong opposition to the program.
In what seems to be an attempt to preserve conservative principles
without alienating voters who receive subsidies, neither governor
initially took a strong position on the creation of a state
exchange. Scott attempted to pass the buck on King v. Burwell by
saying it should be left up to Congress to resolve the matter.
“I think it has to be a federal fix,” Scott told reporters in late
May.
The “fix” to which Scott referred would be a simple amendment of the
words “established by the state,” which have formed the crux of the
lawsuit. U.S. Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyoming, has made it clear
Congress does not plan on passing such a fix without asking for some
drastic changes to Obamacare in return.
Whether a Republican-controlled Congress would be willing to make
that adjustment to the law will be the next major question if the
court rules in favor of King and ditches the federal exchange.
Abbott says Congress shouldn’t even consider taking that step.
Earlier this week, in a strongly worded op-ed in the National
Review, Abbott pointed out the irony of politicians who “won their
offices by campaigning against” the ACA “lining up to rescue
Obamacare from itself.” He called on Congress to not pass a
one-sentence fix to preserve subsidies and on his fellow governors
to not create state exchanges.
“Now is not the time to throw Obamacare a lifeline — it is time to
sound its death knell,” Abbott wrote.
Josh Archambault, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Government
Accountability, told Watchdog last week the King case is the best
opportunity for Congress to seriously change how Obamacare works.
The ruling, when it comes, will have serious ramifications for many
parts of the American political machine. It will also, in part,
shape the historical legacy of the president whose name is attached
to the law.
But the most serious affects will be felt by the people in the 34
states currently relying on the federal exchange’s subsidies to make
health care more affordable.
According to a Kaiser Family Foundation poll, 63 percent of
Americans think Congress should pass a fix if the court rules for
the plaintiffs, and 55 percent of those living in states using the
federal exchange favored creating a state exchange to preserve
subsidies.
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