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			 Under the proposal, large financial firms would need to demonstrate 
			to regulators that they can be managed effectively, with appropriate 
			accountability, across all of their activities. If they fail to do 
			so, regulators would have the power to make them reorganize, shrink, 
			or break apart. 
			 
			Such a law would strengthen the government's ability to break up 
			banks it deems a threat to the financial system. 
			 
			“It’s not pure size, it’s bad management, excessive risk and things 
			like that, lack of controls," said Alan Blinder, a Princeton 
			economist who helped formulate the plans. "Now the truth of the size 
			question is that the bigger you get the harder it is to do those 
			things effectively.” 
			 
			Clinton has been under pressure to join progressives within the 
			Democratic Party calling for the government to break up banks deemed 
			"too-big-to-fail." Both U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren, the party's 
			most outspoken critic of Wall Street, and U.S. Senator Bernie 
			Sanders, Clinton's leading challenger for the Democratic nomination, 
			have embraced such an approach. 
			
			  
			Though the risk-based approach offered by Clinton is more nuanced, 
			it is the centerpiece of a host of financial proposals that hew to 
			the liberal wing of the Democratic Party. Clinton has moved to 
			pacify left-leaning critics in other ways too lately, opposing a 
			controversial Asian trade deal, a tax on certain health plans and a 
			proposed Canadian oil pipeline. 
			 
			Other aspects of Clinton's plan include charging banks and other 
			institutions with more than $50 billion in assets a yearly, 
			sliding-scale, "risk fee" based on their liabilities. 
			 
			The measure would affect the country's biggest banks, including 
			JPMorgan Chase & Co <JPM.N>, Goldman Sachs Group Inc <GS.N> and Bank 
			of America Corp <BAC.N>, as well as smaller regional banks such as 
			U.S. Bancorp <USB.N> and SunTrust Banks Inc <STI.N>. 
			 
			Clinton also called for raising the fines that regulators could 
			impose on corporations and their executives, and imposing a new tax 
			on high-frequency trading (HFT). 
			 
			"These sound like much more meaningful reforms than some of the 
			things she has suggested earlier," said former Federal Deposit 
			Insurance Corp Chair Sheila Bair, currently president of Washington 
			College, in Chestertown, Maryland. 
			 
			Clinton's HFT tax would target securities transactions with 
			excessive levels of order cancellations, which her campaign said 
			unnecessarily burden markets and enable unfair and abusive trading 
			strategies. 
			 
			Trading in the mostly automated stock, foreign exchange, and 
			government bond markets happens at nearly light speed and much of it 
			involves investors using algorithms to hedge between asset classes. 
			As prices move, existing orders are canceled or updated nearly 
			instantaneously. 
			 
			Updating prices is an essential as it leads to more accurate prices, 
			capital formation and risk transfer, said Matt Andresen, co-chief 
			executive officer of HFT firm Headlands Technology. 
			 
			Andresen said while he does not agree with the HFT tax, he thinks 
			Clinton has nuanced understanding of the financial crisis that has 
			in the past landed her in hot water with party loyalists who expect 
			bold statements. 
			 
			"It's best not to get oneself in too much of a twist over 
			presidential primary rhetoric," Andresen of the likelihood that the 
			plan would come to fruition. 
			
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			SHIFTING LEFT 
			 
			Clinton has been considered the front runner for the Democratic 
			nomination for the presidential election in November 2016 since she 
			entered the race. 
			 
			But Sanders, a self-proclaimed Democratic socialist from Vermont, 
			has been closing in on Clinton in polls in crucial early-voting 
			states and in some cases overtaking her. His rise is emblematic of a 
			leftward shift by party members exasperated by its past coziness 
			with Wall Street. 
			 
			"One year ago, who was predicting that all top Democratic candidates 
			would be talking about jailing Wall Street bankers, breaking up Too 
			Big To Fail banks, and picking executive branch appointees who will 
			crack down on Wall Street," Adam Green, co-founder of the 
			Progressive Change Campaign Committee, which has pushed for tougher 
			regulations, said in a statement. 
			 
			Clinton would also pursue additional oversight of the 
			"shadow-banking" sector by imposing limits on risky short-term 
			borrowing; review recent regulatory changes to the money market fund 
			industry for possible holes; create new reporting requirements for 
			hedge funds and private equity firms; and strengthen the authority 
			of the Financial Stability Oversight Council. 
  
			Clinton's reforms would build on the 2010 Dodd-Frank Wall Street 
			Reform and Consumer Protection Act, said the bill's co-author, 
			retired Massachusetts congressman Barney Frank, who also advised 
			Clinton on the plan. 
			 
			"Politically, its very important for us to get off the situation 
			where we're defending what we did, and get the conversation to where 
			we're building on it," he said. 
			  
			 
			 
			Overall, Clinton's reforms would represent significant changes to 
			the financial system if implemented, said James Cox, a law professor 
			at Duke University. 
			 
			But the bulk of the measures require changes in the law and powerful 
			business lobby groups like the Chamber of Commerce may be able to 
			kill them, while efforts to hold executives more accountable or to 
			take away some of their pay would be met by fierce resistance. 
			 
			In a note to clients, Keefe, Bruyette & Woods assured them that the 
			likelihood of the bulk of Clinton’s proposals becoming law is low, 
			given that Democrats would have to secure majorities in the U.S. 
			Senate and House of Representatives, even if Clinton is elected. 
			 
			(Additional reporting by Ross Kerber, Sarah Lynch, Dan Freed, David 
			Henry, Olivia Oran and Luciana Lopez; editing by Jeffrey Benkoe and 
			Christian Plumb) 
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