Obama
to take tough but tempered line with China's Xi
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[September 17, 2015]
By Matt Spetalnick, David Brunnstrom and Michael Martina
WASHINGTON/BEIJING (Reuters) - China’s
economic powerhouse is slowing, destabilizing global markets. Beijing’s
neighbors, unnerved over its pursuit of territorial claims, are
increasingly cozying up to Washington. A threat of U.S. cyber sanctions
looms over Chinese companies.
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It might seem an ideal time for U.S. President Barack Obama to
take advantage of Beijing’s troubles and get tough when he hosts
Chinese leader Xi Jinping for a state visit on Sept. 25.
Obama is expected to press Xi on issues that have strained relations
between the two countries, but his approach will be tempered because
for better or worse the world’s two biggest economies are
inextricably bound together.
That will mean a difficult balancing act for Obama.
He is under pressure to send a strong message to Xi over cyber
spying, Chinese economic policies and South China Sea disputes, but
he does not want to upend a summit that could set the tone for
relations for his last 16 months in office.
"The test for Obama is whether he can leave this very important
relationship in better shape than he found it," a senior U.S.
diplomat said. "And the jury is still out."
Critics have said that Obama’s strategy of alternately prodding and
cajoling China to play by international rules has yielded little but
defiance from Beijing. Calls for a harder line have echoed from
Congress to Republicans campaigning for the 2016 presidential
election.
On Wednesday, Obama sought to dispel any notion that he would be
soft on Xi.
Speaking to members of the Business Roundtable, Obama warned of
"countervailing actions" if China persisted in cyber espionage, said
it must not wield protectionism like a "Third World country" and
urged China to stop "pushing around" its smaller neighbors.
At the same time, with nationalistic sentiment rising at home, Xi
can ill afford the appearance of an economically weakened China
making concessions to America.
"As long as Xi shows he defends China’s interests and does not
surrender to U.S. pressure it will be perceived as successful
(domestically)," said Jia Qingguo, dean of the School of
International Studies at Peking University and an adviser to the
Communist government.
NARROWING THE GAPS
No policy breakthroughs are likely during Xi’s U.S. trip, which is
due to begin with meetings with high-tech executives in Seattle
early next week and end with a speech at the United Nations General
Assembly in New York on Sept. 28.
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The best hope is to narrow some gaps and stress more modest
achievements, U.S. and Chinese sources have said. Those could
include progress toward a bilateral investment treaty, building on
the countries' climate change commitments and new rules to cut the
risk of confrontation in the Asia-Pacific region.
When the two men met in previous years, the Chinese economy was
riding high and the U.S. economy was struggling. Now, with global
markets unsettled by China’s slowing growth, Xi’s economic
stewardship is in question.
"Those dynamics put Xi in a more difficult position because he comes
into the summit on his back foot," a former senior administration
official said.
Washington has threatened sanctions against Chinese individuals and
companies that have been accused of hacking U.S. corporate
databases.
"We are preparing a number of measures that will indicate to the
Chinese that this is not just a matter of us being mildly upset,"
Obama told business leaders at the meeting.
U.S. officials said any announcement would be made only after Xi’s
visit.
The Chinese, too, have made clear that they would prefer to avoid
any diplomatic blowups.
One area in which Obama will likely have little leverage is over
China’s military build-up, widely seen as an effort to challenge
U.S. naval dominance in the western Pacific.
A senior U.S. official insisted that Obama would not shy away from
areas of disagreement.
"We’re not going to pull any punches," the official said, adding,
"When we can’t narrow differences (we can) at least manage them
effectively."
(Reporting by Matt Spetalnick and David Brunnstrom in Washington and
Michael Martina in Beijing; Additional reporting by Lisa Lambert and
Roberta Rampton in Washington; Writing by Matt Spetalnick; Editing
by David Storey, Toni Reinhold)
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