 After state Rep. Robert Martwick, D-Chicago, lamented the lack of timely
lawmaker pay Aug. 5, hundreds of comments poured in scolding him for a lack of
awareness.
Many Illinois families are struggling in a sputtering state economy; it’s
unsurprising they have little sympathy for state lawmakers who direct attention
to the personal concerns of politicians.
But Martwick took to Facebook Aug. 10 to double down on his complaint.
“Now, all decisions that affect middle class and poor communities are made by
wealthy people who most likely do not deal with the same daily struggles as the
people who their decisions are affecting,” Martwick wrote.
“That is nothing less than a corruption of our democracy.”
A curious statement, given Martwick’s career is a master class in political
impropriety and cronyism.
Born into a clout–heavy family, he profits from a Cook County property-tax game
where political connections are priced at a premium, while actively fighting
against policies that would offer much-needed help to Illinois’ middle class.
Martwick and his father, Robert Martwick Sr., are part of the cadre of
politically connected property-tax law firms in Cook County that make money by
lowering property-tax bills for corporate clients. Illinois House Speaker Mike
Madigan and Chicago Alderman Ed Burke also run lucrative property-tax law firms
in Cook County.
And just like Madigan, Martwick claims to be a defender of middle-class
Illinoisans while failing to take action on one of the most pressing issues
those families face: the highest property taxes in the nation.
In fact, he was one of 31 state representatives to vote against a property-tax
freeze in April.
And just like Madigan, Martwick maintains an ethically dubious business
relationship with Cook County Assessor Joe Berrios.
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 Martwick’s law firm lobbies Berrios’ office to lower property
valuations. Berrios, in turn, has hired Martwick as a political
consultant. Berrios also depends on lawmakers such as Martwick and
Madigan for success in his side gig as a Springfield lobbyist.
As a 2010 New York Times investigation revealed, lawyers at
Martwick’s law firm were the top political donors to Berrios and his
daughter, now-former state Rep. Maria Antonia Berrios, over a
10-year period, contributing more than $164,000 to their campaigns.
Still, Martwick has the nerve to cry “corruption” when his
colleagues aren’t paid at a faster clip than state vendors, who
struggle with untimely payments due to Illinois’ $7.5 billion bill
backlog.
Beyond his work as a property-tax lawyer, Martwick betrays his
rhetoric regarding the middle class in other, subtler ways.
Notably, Martwick’s complaint about lawmaker pay delays began with a
defense of state Rep. Jaime Andrade, D-Chicago, who has taken to
supplementing his income by driving for Uber.
“Kudos to Jaime for being willing to do whatever it takes to stay
true to the people he represents,” Martwick wrote.
But Martwick fought for legislation that may have prevented Andrade
and many more Chicagoans from working for Uber in the first place.
Martwick voted for a 2014 bill that would have severely restricted
ridesharing in Chicago, to the benefit of traditional taxi
companies.
It took a veto from former Gov. Pat Quinn to kill that measure.
As a state politician, it’s easy to say you’re fighting for the
middle class. But actually doing so requires taking action to
alleviate mass middle-class suffering in Illinois.
Martwick prefers business as usual.
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