Trump fires opening salvo in risky test
of wills with Beijing
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[December 06, 2016]
By David Brunnstrom
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. President-elect
Donald Trump indicated a tougher U.S. approach to China by speaking to
Taiwan's president last week, but how far he will push a risky test of
wills to wring concessions from Beijing on issues from trade to North
Korea is unclear.
The call between Trump and Tsai Ing-wen was the first by a U.S.
president-elect or president with a Taiwanese leader since President
Jimmy Carter switched diplomatic recognition to China from Taiwan in
1979.
It prompted a diplomatic protest from China which the outgoing Obama
administration warned could undermine progress in relations with
Beijing, which has been carefully built up over decades by both
Republican and Democratic administrations.
Analysts say it could provoke military confrontation with China if
pressed too far.
Trump officials and Vice President-elect Mike Pence sought to play down
the significance of the 10-minute conversation, saying it was a
"courtesy" call and not intended to show a policy shift.
However, Trump fueled the fire on Sunday by complaining about Chinese
economic and military policy on Twitter, while on Monday an economic
adviser to Trump, Stephen Moore, said if Beijing did not like it, "screw
'em."
Analysts, including senior former U.S. officials, said the call appeared
to be at least an initial shot across China's bow to signal a tougher
approach to Beijing, which includes plans for a buildup in the U.S.
military, in part in response to China's growing power in the
Asia-Pacific region.
Jon Huntsman, reportedly among the candidates to become Trump's
secretary of state, was quoted by The New York Times as saying at the
weekend that Taiwan might prove a "useful leverage point" in dealings
with China.
Trump adviser and China hawk Peter Navarro, and former U.S. Ambassador
to the United Nations John Bolton, another in the mix for the top U.S.
diplomatic role, have both proposed using degrees of escalation on
Taiwan to pressure China to step back from its pursuit of territory in
East Asia.
Navarro, who has produced books and multipart television documentaries
warning of the dangers of China's rise, has suggested stepped up
engagement with Taiwan, including assistance with a submarine
development program.
He argued that Washington should stop referring to a "one-China" policy,
but stopped short of suggesting it should recognize Taipei, saying
“there is no need to unnecessarily poke the Panda.”
Bolton though, in an article in January, countenanced a "diplomatic
ladder of escalation" that could start with receiving Taiwanese
diplomats officially at the State Department and lead to restoring full
diplomatic recognition.
Evan Medeiros, a former official who served as President Barack Obama's
top adviser on East Asia, said this was a highly risky strategy.
"Here’s the reality: China let us all know very clearly in the mid-1990s
that the Taiwan issue is a war-and-peace issue," Medeiros said. "Is that
a proposition that the U.S. should test?
"The Taiwan issue is so politically sensitive and ranks so high in
Chinese priorities of interest they are not going to begin trading
anything away for it. And if the U.S. decided to establish formal
diplomatic relations with Taiwan, it could easily precipitate a military
crisis in Northeast Asia," he said.
Douglas Paal, a White House official under Republican administrations
who served as U.S. representative to Taiwan from 2002-2006, said the
approach of Trump advisers seemed rooted in the 1990s, when China was
much weaker and the United States in a better position to take a tougher
line.
"The problem is that Beijing decided in 1996 on a 10-year (military)
buildup so that it would never have to swallow such stuff again," Paal
said.
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President-elect Donald Trump speaks at a rally as part of their "USA
Thank You Tour 2016" in Cincinnati, Ohio, December 1, 2016
.REUTERS/William Philpott
TEST OF WILLS
He said Chinese President Xi Jinping is seeking to cement his
position at a congress of the ruling Communist Party next year.
"Were he to look soft on something like making the U.S. office in
Taipei into an official diplomatic outpost, Xi would be devoured by
his rivals, and he won’t let that happen," Paal said.
Chris Murphy, a Democratic member of the U.S. Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, said using Taiwan as a way to pressure China to
cooperate on North Korea's nuclear program or on trade could be
counterproductive.
"Pressing China on Taiwan won't likely bring them to the table on
North Korea and currency," he wrote on Twitter. "Risks backing them
into a dark, nasty corner."
Two sources familiar with the debate on China policy within the
Trump camp said Bolton and other hard-liners had encouraged
Taiwanese leaders to approach the president-elect.
However, former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and others
advising Trump and his transition team have cautioned against an
open break with the four-decade "One China" Policy, they said.
As a result, Trump first presented the request for a phone
conversation as a personal matter rather than a harbinger of a shift
in U.S. policy, which left Japan and other U.S. Asian allies
unfazed.
However, the sources said that after Trump tweeted about Chinese
currency manipulation, import tariffs and the South China Sea, some
Asian leaders were asking whether he was deliberately provoking
China, potentially leading to a dangerous escalation of tensions.
Chas Freeman, a former U.S. diplomat who was then-President Richard
Nixon’s interpreter on his historic trip to China in 1972, said he
thought Chinese officials were waiting to see what Trump's
intentions were as president.
"They (Chinese) don’t want to humiliate Mr. Trump or get into an
emotional confrontation with him," he said.
"So the immediate impact of this will be they will give him the
benefit of the doubt, that he didn’t know what he was doing, and
didn’t understand the significance of this, that perhaps he was
manipulated by people around him."
(Reporting by David Brunnstrom; Additional reporting by Yara
Bayoumy, John Walcott, Jonathan Landay, Arshad Mohammed, Patricia
Zengerle and Doina Chiacu; Editing by Yara Bayoumy and Jonathan
Oatis)
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