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			 But former U.S. officials and experts familiar with the White 
			House’s thinking say he appears locked into policies aimed more at 
			containing such threats and avoiding deeper U.S. military engagement 
			in the last year of his presidency. 
			 
			This, they say, all but guarantees that the toughest geopolitical 
			challenges will be inherited by Obama’s successor. That will likely 
			give fuel to Republican presidential candidates who are eager to use 
			Obama's foreign policy woes to attack, by extension, Democratic 
			front runner Hillary Clinton, who served as his first-term Secretary 
			of State. 
			 
			Islamic State has extended its deadly reach across the Middle East 
			and beyond, with recent attacks in Paris and San Bernardino, 
			California, carried out or inspired by the jihadist group. North 
			Korea stunned the world last week with its fourth rogue nuclear 
			test. Taliban insurgents are gaining ground in Afghanistan. Beijing 
			continues to flex its muscle with its neighbors. 
			 
			Russia remains undeterred in Ukraine’s separatist conflict and has 
			challenged U.S. influence in the Middle East with its military 
			intervention in Syria’s civil war, a conflict that Obama’s critics 
			have seized on as evidence of a rudderless foreign policy. 
			
			  Most outside analysts agree with administration officials’ 
			insistence that much of the global tumult is driven by forces beyond 
			Obama’s control. 
			 
			But experts also give credence to criticism that Obama’s crisis 
			response has often been hesitant and that policy missteps have 
			either fueled conflict – or done little to curb it - in places like 
			Syria, Iraq and Ukraine. 
			 
			“This is a risk-averse president who sets red lines he doesn’t 
			enforce,” said Aaron David Miller, a former Middle East adviser to 
			Republican and Democratic administrations. “There’s not a lot of 
			inclination for heroic initiatives in what’s left.” 
			 
			Obama took office in 2009 hailed by his supporters as a 
			transformational leader and pledging to bring U.S. troops home from 
			the long, unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. 
			 
			In his first inaugural speech, he promised to help usher in a “new 
			era of peace,” including outreach to Muslims alienated by the 
			perceived excesses of his predecessor George W. Bush’s global “war 
			on terror.” 
			 
			After popular revolts began to convulse the Arab world, Obama used 
			his 2011 State of the Union speech to trumpet support for the 
			“democratic aspirations of all people.” But the “Arab Spring” has 
			since taken an ugly turn, leaving Obama facing a Middle East region 
			that is more unstable yet no more democratic than before. 
			
			  FORMIDABLE OBSTACLES 
			 
			Recent polls show that more than half of Americans disapprove of the 
			way Obama is handling foreign policy and two-thirds are displeased 
			with his response to Islamic State and the terrorist threat. 
			 
			The Obama administration strongly denies that it has now resigned 
			itself to merely containing the seemingly intractable conflicts. As 
			evidence of success, it can point to its landmark nuclear deal with 
			Iran, the historic diplomatic opening to Cuba and a sweeping 
			international climate change deal - all of which a senior 
			administration official said will likely be touted in Tuesday’s 
			speech. He has also forged a major Asia-Pacific trade pact but faces 
			an uphill fight to get it through Congress. 
			 
			
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			For the coming year, Obama has left the door open to using executive 
			powers to fulfill his early pledge to close the Guantanamo military 
			prison, and could also act on his own to further loosen the 
			half-century-old economic embargo on Cuba. 
			 
			“The president will be focused on finishing strong on his foreign 
			policy agenda,” the senior administration official told Reuters. “In 
			no lexicon I’m aware of is this a strategy of containment.” 
			 
			Obama insists his aim is to destroy Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, 
			but there are strong doubts that his combination of relying on 
			U.S.-armed local partners, targeted American special forces raids, 
			coalition air strikes and financial sanctions will be enough. 
			 
			The quest for a diplomatic solution to Syria’s civil war also faces 
			formidable obstacles, and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, who 
			Obama said back in 2011 “must go,” looks all but certain to outlast 
			him in office. 
			 
			“This all adds up to attempted containment - getting through 2016 
			until it becomes someone else's problem,” said Frederic Hof, a 
			former State Department adviser on Syria during Obama’s first term 
			and now at the Atlantic Council think tank. 
			 
			Obama has recently reinserted about 3,500 U.S. military personnel 
			into Iraq, slowed the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan and 
			authorized small numbers of special operations forces in Syria – 
			though he adamantly rejects any large-scale military deployment 
			 
			His reluctance to get pulled into new conflicts remains at the heart 
			of his foreign policy, and critics say other world powers are taking 
			advantage of that. 
			
			
			  
			
			China has shown growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, where 
			it has defied U.S. criticism of its island-building and felt no 
			apparent consequences. 
			 
			U.S. ally Saudi Arabia has shown its willingness to buck Obama by 
			going ahead with the execution of a prominent Shi’ite cleric, 
			provoking a feud with Iran that Washington appears powerless to 
			quell. 
			 
			North Korea’s announcement last week that it had exploded its fourth 
			nuclear device since 2006 raised new questions about the Obama 
			administration’s “strategic patience” doctrine that essentially has 
			sought to contain Pyongyang without provoking it. 
			 
			“I doubt that the president will put in any political capital to 
			this,” said Bonnie Glaser, senior Asia adviser at the CSIS think 
			tank in Washington. “What can the president do in his last year?” 
			 
			(Additional reporting by Warren Strobel and David Brunnstrom; 
			editing by Stuart Grudgings) 
			
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