Francis' popularity with most Catholics, and legions of
non-Catholics, has given him the image of a grandfatherly parish
priest who understands how difficult it sometimes is to follow
Church teachings, particularly those on sexual morality.
Conservatives worry that behind the gentle facade lies a dangerous
reformer who is diluting Catholic teaching on moral issues like
homosexuality and divorce while focusing on social problems such as
climate change and economic inequality.
Interviews with four Vatican officials, including two cardinals and
an archbishop, as well as theologians and commentators, highlighted
conservative fears that Francis' words and deeds may eventually
rupture the 1.2 billion member Church.
Chatter on conservative blogs regularly accuses the Argentine
pontiff of spreading doctrinal confusion and isolating those who see
themselves as guardians of the faith.
"Going to bed. Wake me up when this pontificate is over," Damien
Thompson, associate editor of the British weekly "The Spectator" and
a conservative Catholic commentator tweeted last month. Thompson was
among conservatives stung by a freewheeling news conference Francis
gave on a flight home from Mexico.
In it, he stirred up the U.S. presidential debate by criticizing
Republican candidate Donald Trump's immigration stance and made
comments that were interpreted as an opening to use contraceptives
to stop the spread of the Zika virus.
They were the latest in a line of unscripted utterances that have
left many conservatives feeling nostalgic for the days of Francis's
two predecessors, Benedict and John Paul, who regularly thundered
against contraception, homosexuality and abortion.
"Every time this happens I wonder if he realizes how much confusion
he is causing," said a conservative Rome-based cardinal who took
part in the conclave that elected Francis three years ago and spoke
on the condition of anonymity. He would not say if he voted for
Francis because participants in conclaves are sworn to secrecy.
THE POPE AND THE PEWS
Another senior official, an archbishop in an important Vatican
ministry, said: "These comments alarm not only tradition-minded
priests but even liberal priests who have complained to me that
people are challenging them on issues that are very
straight-forward, saying 'the pope would let me do this' why don't
you?'"
Francis first shocked conservatives just months after his election
on March 13, 2013, when he said "Who am I to judge?" about Catholic
homosexuals who were at least trying to live by Church rules that
they should be chaste.
He caused further upset when he changed Church rules to allow women
to take part in a male-only Lenten service, ruled out any campaigns
to convert Jews and approved a "common prayer" with Lutherans for
joint commemorations for next year's 500th anniversary of the start
of the Protestant Reformation.
An important crossroads in the conservative-progressive showdown is
looming and might come as early as mid-March. It could reveal how
far this politically astute pontiff wants to transform his Church.
Francis is due to issue a document called an Apostolic Exhortation
after two years of debate and two major meetings of bishops to
discuss the family - the Vatican's way of referring to its policies
concerning sex.
The exercise, which began with an unprecedented poll of Catholics
around the world, boiled down in the end to one hot-button issue -
whether divorced Catholics who remarry outside the Church can
receive communion at the central rite of Mass.
Conservatives say any change would undermine the principle of the
indissolubility of marriage that Jesus established.
At the end of the synod last year, Francis excoriated immovable
Church leaders who he said "bury their heads in the sand" and hide
behind rigid doctrine while families suffer.
The gathering's final document spoke of a so-called "internal forum"
in which a priest or a bishop may work with a Catholic who has
divorced and remarried to decide privately and on a case-by-case
basis if he or she can be fully re-integrated.
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That crack in the doctrinal door annoyed many conservatives, who
fear Francis' upcoming document may open the flood gates.
WHOSE CHURCH IS IT ANYWAY?
It is difficult to quantify Catholic conservatives. Liberals say
they are a minority and reject conservative assertions that they are
the real "base" of the Church.
"The overwhelming majority of Catholics understand what the pope
wants to do, and that is to reach out to everyone," said another
cardinal close to Francis.
Regardless of what their actual numbers might be, conservatives have
big megaphones in social media.
"It really has gotten more shrill and intense since Francis took
over because he seems to get only positive feedback from the
mainstream media. Therefore in the strange logic of (conservative)
groups, he is someone who is immediately suspect if only for that,"
said the Catholic blogger Arthur Rosman.
One of the leading conservative standard bearers, Ross Douthat, the
Catholic author and New York Times op-ed columnist, has expressed
deep worry about the long-term repercussions of the issue of
communion for the divorced and remarried.
"It may be that this conflict has only just begun," Douthat said in
a lecture to American conservatives in January. "And it may be that
as with previous conflicts in Church history, it will eventually be
serious enough to end in real schism, a permanent parting of the
ways."
PREVIOUS RUPTURE
The last internal rupture in the Church was in 1988 when French
Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre consecrated bishops without Vatican
approval in order to guarantee succession in his
ultra-traditionalist group, the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX).
The SSPX rejects the modernizing reforms of the 1962-1965 Second
Vatican Council, including the historic opening to dialogue with
other religions. While it remains a small group, its dissent
continues to undermine papal authority.
The conservative standard bearer in Rome is Cardinal Raymond Leo
Burke, a 67-year-old American who in 2014 told an interviewer that
the Church under Francis was like "a ship without a rudder".
Francis was not pleased. That same year, he removed Burke as head of
the Vatican's highest court and demoted him to the largely
ceremonial post of chaplain of a charity group.
Conservatives are also worried about Francis' drive to devolve
decision-making power on several issues from the Vatican to
regional, national or diocesan levels, what the pope has called "a
healthy decentralization".
This is an anathema to conservatives, who say rules should be
applied identically around the world. They warn that a devolution of
power would leave the Vatican vulnerable to the splits seen in the
Anglican and Orthodox Churches.
"If you look at these two big Churches, they are not in very good
shape," said Massimo Faggioli, a Church historian and associate
professor of theology at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota.
"That's why conservatives are nervous. They think Francis does not
understand the danger."
(Religion editor Tom Heneghan reported from Paris; Editing by
Crispian Balmer and Janet McBride)
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