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			 Francis' popularity with most Catholics, and legions of 
			non-Catholics, has given him the image of a grandfatherly parish 
			priest who understands how difficult it sometimes is to follow 
			Church teachings, particularly those on sexual morality. 
			 
			Conservatives worry that behind the gentle facade lies a dangerous 
			reformer who is diluting Catholic teaching on moral issues like 
			homosexuality and divorce while focusing on social problems such as 
			climate change and economic inequality. 
			 
			Interviews with four Vatican officials, including two cardinals and 
			an archbishop, as well as theologians and commentators, highlighted 
			conservative fears that Francis' words and deeds may eventually 
			rupture the 1.2 billion member Church. 
			 
			Chatter on conservative blogs regularly accuses the Argentine 
			pontiff of spreading doctrinal confusion and isolating those who see 
			themselves as guardians of the faith. 
			 
			"Going to bed. Wake me up when this pontificate is over," Damien 
			Thompson, associate editor of the British weekly "The Spectator" and 
			a conservative Catholic commentator tweeted last month. Thompson was 
			among conservatives stung by a freewheeling news conference Francis 
			gave on a flight home from Mexico. 
			 
			In it, he stirred up the U.S. presidential debate by criticizing 
			Republican candidate Donald Trump's immigration stance and made 
			comments that were interpreted as an opening to use contraceptives 
			to stop the spread of the Zika virus. 
			
			  They were the latest in a line of unscripted utterances that have 
			left many conservatives feeling nostalgic for the days of Francis's 
			two predecessors, Benedict and John Paul, who regularly thundered 
			against contraception, homosexuality and abortion. 
			 
			"Every time this happens I wonder if he realizes how much confusion 
			he is causing," said a conservative Rome-based cardinal who took 
			part in the conclave that elected Francis three years ago and spoke 
			on the condition of anonymity. He would not say if he voted for 
			Francis because participants in conclaves are sworn to secrecy. 
			 
			THE POPE AND THE PEWS 
			 
			Another senior official, an archbishop in an important Vatican 
			ministry, said: "These comments alarm not only tradition-minded 
			priests but even liberal priests who have complained to me that 
			people are challenging them on issues that are very 
			straight-forward, saying 'the pope would let me do this' why don't 
			you?'" 
			 
			Francis first shocked conservatives just months after his election 
			on March 13, 2013, when he said "Who am I to judge?" about Catholic 
			homosexuals who were at least trying to live by Church rules that 
			they should be chaste. 
			 
			He caused further upset when he changed Church rules to allow women 
			to take part in a male-only Lenten service, ruled out any campaigns 
			to convert Jews and approved a "common prayer" with Lutherans for 
			joint commemorations for next year's 500th anniversary of the start 
			of the Protestant Reformation. 
			 
			An important crossroads in the conservative-progressive showdown is 
			looming and might come as early as mid-March. It could reveal how 
			far this politically astute pontiff wants to transform his Church. 
			 
			Francis is due to issue a document called an Apostolic Exhortation 
			after two years of debate and two major meetings of bishops to 
			discuss the family - the Vatican's way of referring to its policies 
			concerning sex. 
			 
			The exercise, which began with an unprecedented poll of Catholics 
			around the world, boiled down in the end to one hot-button issue - 
			whether divorced Catholics who remarry outside the Church can 
			receive communion at the central rite of Mass. 
			 
			Conservatives say any change would undermine the principle of the 
			indissolubility of marriage that Jesus established. 
			 
			At the end of the synod last year, Francis excoriated immovable 
			Church leaders who he said "bury their heads in the sand" and hide 
			behind rigid doctrine while families suffer. 
			 
			The gathering's final document spoke of a so-called "internal forum" 
			in which a priest or a bishop may work with a Catholic who has 
			divorced and remarried to decide privately and on a case-by-case 
			basis if he or she can be fully re-integrated. 
			 
			
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			That crack in the doctrinal door annoyed many conservatives, who 
			fear Francis' upcoming document may open the flood gates. 
			
			WHOSE CHURCH IS IT ANYWAY? 
			 
			It is difficult to quantify Catholic conservatives. Liberals say 
			they are a minority and reject conservative assertions that they are 
			the real "base" of the Church. 
			 
			"The overwhelming majority of Catholics understand what the pope 
			wants to do, and that is to reach out to everyone," said another 
			cardinal close to Francis. 
			 
			Regardless of what their actual numbers might be, conservatives have 
			big megaphones in social media. 
			 
			"It really has gotten more shrill and intense since Francis took 
			over because he seems to get only positive feedback from the 
			mainstream media. Therefore in the strange logic of (conservative) 
			groups, he is someone who is immediately suspect if only for that," 
			said the Catholic blogger Arthur Rosman. 
			 
			One of the leading conservative standard bearers, Ross Douthat, the 
			Catholic author and New York Times op-ed columnist, has expressed 
			deep worry about the long-term repercussions of the issue of 
			communion for the divorced and remarried. 
			 
			"It may be that this conflict has only just begun," Douthat said in 
			a lecture to American conservatives in January. "And it may be that 
			as with previous conflicts in Church history, it will eventually be 
			serious enough to end in real schism, a permanent parting of the 
			ways." 
			 
			PREVIOUS RUPTURE 
			 
			The last internal rupture in the Church was in 1988 when French 
			Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre consecrated bishops without Vatican 
			approval in order to guarantee succession in his 
			ultra-traditionalist group, the Society of St. Pius X (SSPX). 
			 
			The SSPX rejects the modernizing reforms of the 1962-1965 Second 
			Vatican Council, including the historic opening to dialogue with 
			other religions. While it remains a small group, its dissent 
			continues to undermine papal authority. 
			 
			The conservative standard bearer in Rome is Cardinal Raymond Leo 
			Burke, a 67-year-old American who in 2014 told an interviewer that 
			the Church under Francis was like "a ship without a rudder". 
			 
			Francis was not pleased. That same year, he removed Burke as head of 
			the Vatican's highest court and demoted him to the largely 
			ceremonial post of chaplain of a charity group. 
			
			
			  
			
			Conservatives are also worried about Francis' drive to devolve 
			decision-making power on several issues from the Vatican to 
			regional, national or diocesan levels, what the pope has called "a 
			healthy decentralization". 
			 
			This is an anathema to conservatives, who say rules should be 
			applied identically around the world. They warn that a devolution of 
			power would leave the Vatican vulnerable to the splits seen in the 
			Anglican and Orthodox Churches. 
			 
			"If you look at these two big Churches, they are not in very good 
			shape," said Massimo Faggioli, a Church historian and associate 
			professor of theology at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota. 
			"That's why conservatives are nervous. They think Francis does not 
			understand the danger." 
			 
			(Religion editor Tom Heneghan reported from Paris; Editing by 
			Crispian Balmer and Janet McBride) 
			
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