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		Battle for Mosul can shape or break Iraq 
		further 
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		 [October 24, 2016] 
		By Samia Nakhoul, Michael Georgy and Stephen Kalin 
 ERBIL (Reuters) - It has taken two years of 
		training a demoralized army, backed up by the air cover and special 
		forces of the world’s greatest powers, for Iraq to mount an offensive to 
		recapture Mosul from Islamic State.
 
 Almost week into the U.S.-led onslaught, many of those running the 
		campaign say the battle to retake the city could be long and hard. But 
		they have also identified what they think is a chink in the jihadists' 
		armor.
 
 If local fighters in Mosul can be persuaded to drop their allegiance to 
		Islamic State, there is a chance that the battle can be brought to a 
		more speedy conclusion, and that could have major implications for the 
		future of Iraq.
 
 Against a background of splits and rebellions in the Islamic State ranks 
		in Mosul, some opposing commanders believe that a successful attempt to 
		win over those local fighters could mean the battle lasts only weeks 
		rather than months.
 
 Mosul, Iraq's second biggest city, is where IS leader Abu Bakr 
		al-Baghdadi declared his Sunni caliphate in 2014, after his alliance 
		between millenarian Islamists and veteran officers from the disbanded 
		army of Saddam Hussein roared back into Iraq from bases they set up in 
		the mayhem of Syria's war. Five Iraqi army divisions melted away before 
		jihadis numbered in hundreds.
 
 Now the battle to retake Mosul pits an unwieldy coalition of a 
		30,000-strong Iraqi regular force backed by the US and Europeans, 
		alongside Kurdish and Shi’ite militias, against jihadis who have 
		exploited the Sunni community’s sense of dispossession in Iraq and 
		betrayal in Syria.
 
		
		 
		Not just its outcome but the political sensitivity with which this 
		battle is handled could determine the future of Islamic State and Sunni 
		extremism, as well as the shape of this part of the Middle East, which 
		is being shattered into sectarian fragments.
 Islamic State fighters, estimated at between 4,000 and 8,000, have 
		rigged the city with explosives, mined and booby-trapped roads, built 
		oil-filled moats they can set alight, dug tunnels, and trenches and have 
		shown every willingness to use Mosul’s up to 1.5 million civilians as 
		human shields.
 
 Islamic State would seem to have a plentiful supply of suicide bombers, 
		launching them in scores of explosives-laden trucks against Kurdish 
		peshmerga fighters converging on Mosul from the east and northeast, and 
		Iraqi forces, spearheaded by counter-terrorism units, advancing from the 
		south and southwest.
 
 "Mosul will be a multi-month endeavor. This is going to take a long 
		time," a senior U.S. official said in Iraq.
 
 CALIPHATE
 
 Karim Sinjari, Interior Minister in the self-governing Kurdistan 
		Regional Government (KRG) of northern Iraq, said IS would put up a 
		fierce fight because of Mosul's symbolic value as capital of its 
		self-proclaimed Islamic caliphate.
 
 "If Mosul is finished the caliphate they announced is finished. If they 
		lose in Mosul, they will have no place, just Raqqa (in Syria)," Sinjari 
		said.
 
 Adept at exploiting divisions among its enemies, last Friday's dawn 
		assault by IS on Kirkuk, for example, was not just an attempt to divert 
		Iraqi and Kurdish forces and relieve pressure on the main front.
 
 It was also intended to galvanize Sunni Arab opinion against the Kurds, 
		whose Iraqi peshmerga and Syrian Kurdish militia have fielded the most 
		effective ground forces against IS.
 
 That is why many of those invested in the battle for Mosul stress the 
		need to break the cohesion of IS and the allegiance it has won or 
		coerced among alienated Sunni, in Mosul and beyond.
 
 The opportunity is there, they say.
 
 They believe that while foreign jihadis will fight to the finish to 
		protect their last stronghold in Iraq, the Iraqi fighters, many from 
		Mosul itself, may lay down their arms.
 
 “Most of the (IS) fighters now are local tribal fighters. They have some 
		foreign fighters, they have some people from other parts of Iraq and 
		Syria, but the majority are local fighters,” says a senior Kurdish 
		military intelligence chief.
 
		
		 
		“If we can take this away from them, the liberation of Mosul is a job of 
		a week or two weeks.”
 FISSURES
 
 Fissures are widening inside the IS camp, with Iraqi, Kurdish and 
		Western sources reporting resistance in Mosul and a spate of attacks on 
		its leaders.
 
 Sinjari, also the KRG acting defense minister, says there is growing 
		resentment against the group's brutality.
 
 “There is information that many people are revolting and carrying out 
		attacks against IS. A number of Daesh members were killed on the streets 
		at night," Sinjari said. This was confirmed by the U.S. official but 
		could not be independently verified.
 
 It fits with accounts of a recent abortive uprising against IS, led by a 
		former aide to Baghdadi, that ended with the execution of 58 Daesh 
		dissidents.
 
 Crucially, more than half IS’s fighting strength comes from Sunni tribes 
		initially relieved they were being freed from sectarian persecution by a 
		Shi’ite dominated government in Baghdad and a corrupt and brutal army.
 
 Some strategists believe those tribes could turn against the brutality 
		of IS rule – just as the Sunni tribal fighters of the Sahwa or Awakening 
		turned against al-Qaeda in Iraq a decade ago – if Baghdad guarantees 
		their lives and livelihoods.
 
 In Mosul, there are Iraqi tribal people in IS who pledged allegiance 
		when the group arrived, a Kurdish intelligence chief said.
 
 “If the Iraqis send a message and reassure these Sunni Iraqis that they 
		will be given a second chance I think it is wise to do so, because if 
		they put their weapons down you are definitely taking out 60 percent of 
		their (IS) fighting force”.
 
 [to top of second column]
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			raqi army gather after the liberation of a village from Islamic 
			State militants, south of Mosul, during an operation to attack 
			Islamic State militants in Mosul, Iraq, October 21, 2016, as toxic 
			smoke is seen over the area after Islamic State militants set fire 
			to a sulphur factory. REUTERS/Thaier Al-Sudan 
            
			 
			The official emphasized the need for the US-led coalition’s close 
			involvement in Mosul, especially after the experience of the 
			recapture of Falluja, Ramadi and Tikrit, IS-held cities where 
			refugees and local Sunnis suffered at the hands of Shi’ite militias. 
			In the battle for Mosul, it has supposedly been agreed that neither 
			Shi’ite fighters nor Kurdish peshmerga will enter the city when it 
			falls to avoid stoking a sectarian backlash.
 While the anti-IS coalition has gained momentum, military 
			strategists and intelligence officials say the closer the Iraqi 
			forces get to Mosul, the harder it will be.
 
 "If they decide to defend the city then it will be more difficult 
			and the process will slow down," the intelligence chief said.
 
 Once inside Mosul, Iraqi special forces would have to go from street 
			to street to clear explosives and booby traps set up by Islamic 
			State.
 
 "The roads are very narrow. You can’t use vehicles or tanks, so it 
			will be a fight, person by person," Sinjari said.
 
 VILLAGES
 
 Until now, it has been easy for the coalition to hit IS positions in 
			deserted villages around Mosul but the air strikes will slow down 
			once Iraqi forces get into the city.
 
 Islamic State, Iraqi commanders say, have succeeded in the past in 
			blocking army troops from moving against them by staging suicide 
			attacks and rigging explosives.
 
 But they say that would no longer be an obstacle in Mosul as the 
			Iraqi army has recently received an effective guided missile system 
			that destroys explosives-packed vehicles.
 
 The Iraqi commanders say their tactic now would be to cut Islamic 
			State fighters off from the hinterland of supporting villages then 
			split the city into different neighborhoods.
 
			
			 
			Brigadier Haider Abdul Muhsin al-Darraji, from the army 10th 
			division, said military units would launch simultaneous attacks from 
			multiple fronts on Mosul, divide the city into sectors to isolate IS 
			fighters. And with coalition air strikes the jihadis will have 
			little chance of getting reinforcements from the western side, which 
			has been left open to encourage their departure towards Syria.
 The difficulty is how to hit IS targets inside Mosul without causing 
			massive civilian casualties.
 
 "Its just like a tough surgery to remove a brain tumor," Darraji 
			said.
 
 Colonel Mahdi Ameer from the 9th Iraqi army division fighting south 
			of Mosul said Islamic State had "deliberately blocked residents from 
			leaving the city to use them as human shields and prolong the 
			battle".
 
 Islamic State’s enemies do not underestimate the group’s strength, 
			which depends on experienced former senior Baathist officers and 
			Islamist radicals willing to blow themselves up to defend their 
			Sunni heartland.
 
 "They are much more organized than the peshmerga and others. They 
			have good administration, a good support system and enough weapons 
			and ammunitions,” said the Kurdish counter-terrorism official.
 
 The Mosul offensive will be the most important battle fought in Iraq 
			since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003. What happens next will shape or 
			break an already fractured Iraq.
 
 "There are growing concerns about fixing the political peace the day 
			after liberating Mosul," said Hoshyar Zebari, a top Iraqi politician 
			and former finance minister.
 
 "How will this multi-ethnic, multi-sectarian city ... be governed 
			and run without communal conflict, without revenge killing, without 
			a large displacement of people? That needs some political planning 
			on how the city will be governed. It should have a strong 
			representative governance in the city."
 
 But the battle against radical Islamists in the region will not end 
			with the liberation of Mosul.
 
			
			 
			"Mosul is not be the end of Islamic State or the end of extremism in 
			this region. They will go back to more asymmetric warfare. We will 
			see suicide attacks inside Kurdistan, inside Iraqi cities and 
			elsewhere."
 (Additional reporting by Ahmed Rasheed; editing by Giles Elgood)
 
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