In Trump era, Democrats and Republicans
switch sides on states' rights
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[January 26, 2017]
By Dan Levine
SAN FRANCISCO (Reuters) - Five years ago,
Oklahoma Attorney General Scott Pruitt, now President Donald Trump's
nominee for administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency, sat in
the front row as the U.S. Supreme Court debated the contentious
Affordable Care Act.
He was part of a coalition of Republican attorneys general fighting
President Barack Obama's health law - better known as Obamacare - based
on a core party principle: that states' rights trump federal powers, and
that programs like Obamacare represent a radical overreach by the
federal government.
Now, as Trump looks to undo Obama's legacy and begin constructing his
own, Pruitt and other administration Republicans are showing little
interest in protecting states' rights. Instead, they are embracing
sweeping new environmental, healthcare and immigration policies that are
to be imposed on all states.
At the same time Democrats, who over the last half-century have
zealously defended sacrosanct federal laws - such as the Civil Rights
Act of 1964 that tackled segregation - against arguments that states
should be allowed to chart their own way, are now making plans to employ
some of those very states' rights positions to fend off Trump
administration policies they disagree with.
"If (EPA nominee Pruitt) is going to argue states can go their own way,
then certainly we should be allowed to make the exact same argument,"
Hawaii Attorney General Douglas Chin, a Democrat who opposes Pruitt's
nomination, told Reuters.
Pruitt's office did not return repeated requests for comment.
SPRAWLING FLIP-FLOP
The two parties' switching of sides is evident across a range of issues,
including so-called sanctuary cities, the environment and healthcare.
Sanctuary cities - an unofficial description of places where local law
enforcement refuses to report undocumented immigrants to federal
authorities - could be an early test, as Trump moves to beef up federal
immigration policies.
Trump threatened to cut federal funds for such cities on Wednesday, as
part of an executive order clamping down on immigration..
Lawyers planning to challenge that action told Reuters they will base
part of their legal argument on one successful approach Pruitt and his
fellow attorneys general took against Obamacare in the Supreme Court in
2012.
In that case, the court held that federal authorities could not take
away a state's Medicaid funding for refusing to expand the program.
Although they won that part of the case, Pruitt and his group failed to
stop the national rollout of Obamacare.
Immigration advocates hope the logic employed by the Supreme Court in
that case will protect sanctuary cities against threatened funding cuts.
However, Ken Cuccinelli, the former Republican attorney general of
Virginia who launched the legal challenge to Obamacare, told Reuters he
doubts courts will apply that ruling to protect sanctuary cities.
Still, Cuccinelli said the new political dynamic will expose Republican
politicians who ran for office on a states' rights platform because it
fit their policy agenda, rather than because they were true believers.
"We may find out (which) folks were doing it for legal reasons and
purely political reasons," he said.
Another early battle highlighting the reversal of positions on states'
versus federal rights is likely to be the environment.
[to top of second column] |
President Donald Trump looks up while signing an executive order to
advance construction of the Keystone XL pipeline at the White House
in Washington. REUTERS/Kevin Lamarque
California, as its governor made clear in a speech on Tuesday, will
fight any attempts to rein in the state's sweeping environmental
laws, which go far beyond federal mandates. During his confirmation
hearings, Pruitt, on the other hand, refused to commit to keeping a
decades-old federal waiver that allows California to set stricter
emissions standards.
CONFLICT AS OLD AS THE COUNTRY
The debate over how power should be shared between states and the
federal government goes back to the founding of the United States,
when Federalists led by John Adams and Alexander Hamilton argued for
a strong central government, while Thomas Jefferson's
Democratic-Republican Party saw states' rights as a necessary check
against tyranny.
Jefferson's faction eventually morphed into the Democratic Party,
which backed states' rights to allow slavery leading up to the Civil
War of 1861-1865. The Democrats moved toward greater reliance on
federal powers in the 20th century, as they fought battles over
civil rights and regulating industry. Since then, the two parties
have been fairly consistent in their stances, though on some issues
they have occasionally swapped positions.
Tension between states' rights and federal power played out time and
again during Obama's presidency, with states' rights supporters
achieving a mixed record.
Republican-led states challenged Obama's Clean Power Plan as an
example of federal overreach, in a case that is continuing.
Republican state attorneys general, including Pruitt, successfully
blocked an Obama executive order allowing work permits for millions
of undocumented immigrants, known as Expanded DACA.
The Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ultimately struck down the
Expanded DACA policy, and an evenly divided U.S. Supreme Court let
that ruling stand last year.
Harold Koh, a Yale Law School professor and a former adviser to
Trump's presidential challenger Hillary Clinton, said that even
though he disagreed with the court's reasoning in that case, it
could now be used to at least slow down new Trump executive orders
on immigration and beyond.
"The argument against DACA could come back to haunt them," Koh said.
Embracing states' rights could also end up haunting progressive
groups during the next Democratic administration, whenever that
might be, said Julia Wilson, chief executive of legal aid
organization OneJustice.
"That is exactly what's under conversation right now in the
community," she said.
(Reporting by Dan Levine; Editing by Bill Rigby)
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