Mexico, Canada seek U.S.
soft spots to bolster NAFTA defense
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[May 04, 2017]
By Dave Graham and David Ljunggren
MEXICO
CITY/OTTAWA (Reuters) - From launching a data-mining drive aiming to
find supply-chain pressure points to sending officials to mobilize
allies in key U.S. states, Mexico and Canada are bolstering their
defenses of a regional trade pact President Donald Trump vows to
rewrite.
Trump has blamed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) for the
loss of millions of manufacturing jobs and has threatened to tear it up
if he fails to get a better deal.
Fearing the massive disruptions a U.S. pullout could cause, the United
States' neighbors and two biggest export markets have focused on sectors
most exposed to a breakdown in free trade and with the political clout
to influence Washington.
That encompasses many of the states that swept Trump to power in
November and senior politicians such as Vice President Mike Pence, a
former Indiana governor or Wisconsin representative and House Speaker
Paul Ryan.
Prominent CEOs on Trump's business councils are also key targets,
according to people familiar with the lobbying push.
Mexico, for example, has picked out the governors of Texas, Arizona and
Indiana as potential allies.
Decision makers in Michigan, North Carolina, Minnesota, Illinois,
Tennessee, Wisconsin, Ohio, Florida, Pennsylvania, Nebraska, California
and New Mexico are also on Mexico's priority list, according to people
involved in talks.
Mexican and U.S. officials and executives have had "hundreds" of
meetings since Trump took office, said Moises Kalach, foreign trade
chief of the Mexican private sector team leading the defense of NAFTA. (Graphic:http://tmsnrt.rs/2oYClp2)
Canada has drawn up a list of 11 U.S. states, largely overlapping with
Mexico's targets, that stand to lose the most if the trade pact enacted
in 1994 unravels.
To identify potential allies among U.S. companies and industries,
Mexican business lobby Consejo Coordinador Empresarial (CCE) recruited
IQOM, a consultancy led by former NAFTA negotiators Herminio Blanco and
Jaime Zabludovsky.
In one case, the analysis found that in Indiana, one type of engine made
up about a fifth of the state's $5 billion exports to Mexico. Kalach's
team identified one local supplier of the product and put it touch with
its main Mexican client.
"We said: talk to the governor, talk to the members of congress, talk to
your ex-governor, Vice President Pence, and explain that if this goes
wrong, the company is done," Kalach said. He declined to reveal the name
of the company and Reuters could not immediately verify its identity.
Trump rattled the two nations last week when his administration said he
was considering an executive order to withdraw from the trade pact,
which has been in force since 1994. He later said he would try to
renegotiate the deal first and Kalach said the lobbying effort deserved
much credit for Trump's u-turn.
"There was huge mobilization," he said. "I can tell you the phone did
not stop ringing in (Commerce Secretary Wilbur) Ross's office. It did
not stop ringing in (National Economic Council Director) Gary Cohn's
office, in the office of (White House Chief of Staff Reince) Priebus.
The visits to the White House from pro-NAFTA allies did not stop all
afternoon."
Among those calling the White House and other senior administration
officials were U.S. Chamber of Commerce chief Tom Donohue, officials
from the Business Roundtable and CEOs from both lobbies, according to
people familiar with the discussions.
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An employee works at a wire harness and cable assembly manufacturing
company that exports to the U.S. in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico, April 27,
2017. Picture taken April 27, 2017. REUTERS/Jose Luis Gonzalez
PRIME TARGET
Mexico has been the prime target of NAFTA critics, who blame it for lost
manufacturing jobs and widening U.S. trade deficits. Canada had managed to keep
a lower profile, concentrating on seeking U.S. allies in case of an open
conflict.
That changed in late April when the Trump administration attacked Ottawa over
support for dairy farmers and slapped preliminary duties on softwood lumber
imports.
Despite an apparently weaker position - Canada and Mexico jointly absorb about a
third of U.S. exports, but rely on U.S. demand for three quarters of their own -
the two have managed to even up the odds in the past by exploiting certain weak
spots.
When Washington clashed with Ottawa in 2013 over meat-labeling rules, Canada
retaliated by targeting exports from the states of key U.S. legislators. A
similar policy is again under consideration.
Mexico is taking a leaf out of a 2011 trucking dispute to identify U.S.
interests that are most exposed, such as $2.3 billion of yellow corn exports.
Mexico is also targeting members of Trump advisory bodies, the Strategic and
Policy Forum and the Manufacturing Council, led by Blackstone Group LP's Stephen
Schwarzman and Dow Chemical Co boss Andrew Liveris respectively.
Senior Trump administration officials and Republican lawmakers in charge of
trade, agriculture and finance committees also feature among top lobbying
targets.
Canada has spread the task of lobbying the United States among ministries,
official say, and is particularly keen to avoid disruption to the
highly-integrated auto industry.
A core
component of Mexico's strategy is to argue the three nations have a common
interest in fending off Asian competition and exploring scope to source more
content regionally.
The defenders of NAFTA also say that it supports millions of jobs in the United
States, and point out that U.S. trade shortfalls with Canada and Mexico have
declined over the past decade even as the deficit with China continued to climb.
Part of IQOM's mission is to identify sectors where NAFTA rules of origin could
be modified to increase regional content.
For example, U.S., Canadian and Mexican officials are debating how the NAFTA
region can reduce auto parts imports from China, Japan, South Korea or Germany,
Mexican officials say.
"The key thing is to see how we can get a win-win on the products most used in
our countries, and to develop common manufacturing platforms that allow us just
to buy between ourselves the biggest amount of inputs we need," said Luis
Aguirre, vice-president of Mexican industry group Concamin.
Graphic: Trade battles - http://tmsnrt.rs/2pAdPcp
(Additional reporting by Michael O'Boyle Alexandra Alper, Ana Isabel Martinez,
Ginger Gibson and Adriana Barrera; Editing by Tomasz Janowski)
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