For U.S. Republicans, tax reform math hinges on cutting
Medicare
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[November 09, 2017]
By Mark Miller
CHICAGO (Reuters) - U.S. retirement savers
dodged a speeding train last week when Republican lawmakers racing
toward tax reform dropped their plan to sharply reduce allowable
tax-deferred contributions to 401(k) plans. That idea is off the table -
at least for now.
But listen carefully and you can hear the whistle blowing on another
train barreling down the tracks.
Call it the Slash Medicare Express. The whistle is still a bit faint,
but it is sending a clear warning signal.
A 2018 budget blueprint approved by Congress late last month would
reduce Medicare spending by $473 billion over 10 years compared with the
current baseline projection, and proposes $1.3 trillion in cuts to
Medicaid, various Affordable Care Act (ACA) tax credits and cost sharing
subsidies and other health spending. Republicans need the spending
reductions to make room for $1.5 trillion in tax cuts, mostly for
corporations and wealthy households.
The budget plan does not include the specifics on how these cuts will be
achieved. But previous Republican plans for Medicaid - the joint federal
and state health insurance program for lower-income people and children
- would have been disastrous for millions of older Americans.
(http://reut.rs/2znCWoE).
How about Medicare? Republicans have repeatedly called for two Medicare
“reforms” in the past that would be devastating for older Americans.
They would raise the age of Medicare eligibility to 67 from 65, and
shift Medicare to a flat premium-support payment, or voucher, that
beneficiaries would use to help buy either private health insurance or a
form of traditional Medicare.
Proponents of a higher Medicare age like to justify it by pointing to
rising American longevity, saying it is needed to fend off looming
solvency for Medicare. But rising longevity is not spread evenly across
the population - and the most recent data suggests that the gains may be
leveling off or falling back. (http://prn.to/2yHbOSa)
Pushing Medicare eligibility back would leave millions of Americans to
fend for themselves while they wait to turn 67. Perhaps they will work
longer to stay on employer health plans. Perhaps they will obtain
coverage through the Affordable Care Act health exchanges - if the
marketplaces survive relentless attack from the Trump administration.
Here is a better idea: let them continue to enroll in Medicare when they
turn 65 - or even drop the age lower. Medicare offers the most efficient
path to providing healthcare for a rapidly aging population. The
program’s per-capita spending growth was 1.3 percent annually from 2010
to 2015, far less than the 3.2 percent growth rate for commercial
insurance during that time, according to an Urban Institute report
issued last month.
FALSE PROMISE OF CHOICE
A higher Medicare age is easy to understand, but premium support is more
insidious, because it comes wrapped in the gauzy promise that it will
provide enrollees with greater “choice.” Under premium support, Medicare
enrollees would buy health insurance either from traditional
fee-for-service Medicare, or plans offered by commercial insurance
companies. The federal government would support some portion of the cost
of the coverage through an annual payment, or voucher.
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President Trump speaks about tax reform in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.
REUTERS/Joshua Roberts
The big idea here is that greater competition will help control the cost of
healthcare. But much more likely, the saving will come from shifting costs from
the government to enrollees, especially for the traditional fee-for-service
Medicare program.
Today, Medicare sets a standard Part B premium that is uniform across the
country. This year, it is $134 per month (many enrollees pay much less due to
the “hold harmless” provision - around $109). Under premium support, this
premium could fluctuate substantially depending on where you live - but the
voucher amount would be uniform.
“The savings would come on the back of consumers,” said Lina Walker, vice
president of health security at the AARP Public Policy Institute, which funded
the Urban Institute report. “People who want to keep traditional Medicare wind
up paying more - the saving on premium support comes from people who have
traditional Medicare now, but shift to a lower-cost option because that is all
they can afford.”
The Urban Institute found that private plans would be the most costly option in
some parts of the country. The bottom line is that choice would decrease, not
increase. Private plans likely would be dominant in some parts of the country,
while traditional Medicare would be the only viable option in other regions.
“It’s a false choice,” said Walker.
Premium support likely will come with a political twist aimed at helping reduce
opposition. U.S. House Speaker Paul
Ryan and other premium support backers have promised to phase in the reform,
grandfathering in everyone already on Medicare or over age 55. That would split
Medicare into a legacy program for older people, with a new program for younger
workers who eventually retire and enroll.
But that would put the 55-plus crowd at risk. As premium support comes online,
the younger - and healthier - enrollees would be kept separate from older,
sicker people in the legacy program, whose care is more expensive. That would
start pushing up the cost of the old programs much more rapidly, possibly even
creating a death spiral for traditional Medicare.
Here is the real choice: preserve our most effective health insurance program
for the elderly, or chop it back in order to cut taxes for corporations and the
wealthy.
Seems like a no-brainer.
(The writer is a Reuters columnist. The opinions expressed are his own.)
(Editing by Matthew Lewis)
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