Exclusive: U.S. widens surveillance to include
'homegrown violent extremists' - documents
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[October 25, 2017]
By Dustin Volz
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. government
has broadened an interpretation of which citizens can be subject to
physical or digital surveillance to include "homegrown violent
extremists," according to official documents seen by Reuters.
The change last year to a Department of Defense manual on procedures
governing its intelligence activities was made possible by a decades-old
presidential executive order, bypassing congressional and court review.
The new manual, released in August 2016, now permits the collection of
information about Americans for counterintelligence purposes "when no
specific connection to foreign terrorist(s) has been established,"
according to training slides created last year by the Air Force Office
of Special Investigations (AFOSI).
The slides were obtained by Human Rights Watch through a Freedom of
Information Act request about the use of federal surveillance laws for
counter-drug or immigration purposes and shared exclusively with
Reuters.
The Air Force and the Department of Defense told Reuters that the
documents are authentic.
The slides list the shooting attacks in San Bernardino, California, in
December 2015 and Orlando, Florida, in June 2016 as examples that would
fall under the "homegrown violent extremist" category. The shooters had
declared fealty to Islamic State shortly before or during the attacks,
but investigators found no actual links to the organization that has
carried out shootings and bombings of civilians worldwide.
Michael Mahar, the Department of Defense's senior intelligence oversight
official, said in an interview that AFOSI and other military
counterintelligence agencies are allowed to investigate both active duty
and U.S. civilian personnel as long as there is a potential case
connected to the military. Investigations of civilians are carried out
cooperatively with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Mahar said.
Executive order 12333, signed by former President Ronald Reagan in 1981
and later modified by former President George W. Bush, establishes how
U.S. intelligence agencies such as the CIA are allowed to pursue foreign
intelligence investigations. The order also allows surveillance of U.S.
citizens in certain cases, including for activities defined as
counterintelligence.
Under the previous Defense Department manual's definition of
counterintelligence activity, which was published in 1982, the U.S.
government was required to demonstrate a target was working on behalf of
the goals of a foreign power or terrorist group.
It was not clear what practical effect the expanded definition might
have on how the U.S. government gathers intelligence. One of the Air
Force slides described the updated interpretation as among several "key
changes."
'CLOAK OF DARKNESS'
However, some former U.S. national security officials, who generally
support giving agents more counterterrorism tools but declined to be
quoted, said the change appeared to be a minor adjustment that was
unlikely to significantly impact intelligence gathering.
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A U.S. Air Force airman at Petersen Air Force Base in Colorado
Springs, in a file photo. REUTERS/Rick Wilking
Some privacy and civil liberties advocates who have seen the training slides
disagreed, saying they were alarmed by the change because it could increase the
number of U.S. citizens who can be monitored under an executive order that lacks
sufficient oversight.
"What happens under 12333 takes place under a cloak of darkness," said Sarah St.
Vincent, a surveillance researcher with Human Rights Watch who first obtained
the documents. "We have enormous programs potentially affecting people in the
United States and abroad, and we would never know about these changes" without
the documents, she said.
The National Security Act, a federal law adopted 70 years ago, states that
Congress must be kept informed about significant intelligence activities. But
the law leaves the interpretation of that to the executive branch.
The updated interpretation was motivated by recognition that some people who may
pose a security threat do not have specific ties to a group such as Islamic
State or Boko Haram, Mahar at the Defense Department said.
"The internet and social media has made it easier for terrorist groups to
radicalize followers without establishing direct contact," Mahar said.
"We felt that we needed the flexibility to target those individuals," he said.
In August 2016, during the final months of former President Barack Obama's
administration, a Pentagon press release announced that the department had
updated its intelligence collecting procedures but it made no specific reference
to "homegrown violent extremists."
The revision was signed off by the Department of Justice's senior leadership,
including the attorney general, and reviewed by the Privacy and Civil Liberties
Oversight Board, a government privacy watchdog.
Mahar said that "homegrown violent extremist," while listed in the Air Force
training slide, is not an official phrase used by the Defense Department. It
does not have a specific list of traits or behaviors that would qualify someone
for monitoring under the new definition, Mahar said.
Hunches or intuition are not enough to trigger intelligence gathering, Mahar
said, adding that a "reasonable belief" that a target may be advancing the goals
of an international terrorist group to harm the United States is required.
The updated Defense Department manual refers to any target "reasonably believed
to be acting for, or in furtherance of, the goals or objectives of an
international terrorist or international terrorist organization, for purposes
harmful to the national security of the United States."
Mahar said that in counterterrorism investigations, federal surveillance laws,
including the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, continue to govern
electronic surveillance in addition to the limitations detailed in his
department's manual.
(Reporting by Dustin Volz; editing by Grant McCool)
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