Special Report: How a secret Russian
airlift helps Syria's Assad
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[April 06, 2018]
By Rinat Sagdiev, Maria Tsvetkova and Olena Vasina
MOSCOW/KIEV (Reuters) - In a corner of the
departures area at Rostov airport in southern Russia, a group of about
130 men, many of them carrying overstuffed military-style rucksacks,
lined up at four check-in desks beneath screens that showed no flight
number or destination.
When a Reuters reporter asked the men about their destination, one said:
"We signed a piece of paper – we're not allowed to say anything. Any
minute the boss will come and we'll get into trouble.
"You too," he warned.
The chartered Airbus A320 waiting on the tarmac for them had just flown
in from the Syrian capital, Damascus, disgorging about 30 men with
tanned faces into the largely deserted arrivals area. Most were in
camouflage gear and khaki desert boots. Some were toting bags from the
Damascus airport duty-free.
The men were private Russian military contractors, the latest human
cargo in a secretive airlift using civilian planes to ferry military
support to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in his six-year fight
against rebels, a Reuters investigation of the logistical network behind
Assad's forces has uncovered.
The Airbus they flew on was just one of dozens of aircraft that once
belonged to mainstream European and U.S. aviation companies, then were
passed through a web of intermediary companies and offshore firms to
Middle Eastern airlines subject to U.S. sanctions – moves that
Washington alleges are helping Syria bypass the sanctions.
The flights in and out of Rostov, which no organization has previously
documented, are operated by Cham Wings, a Syrian airline hit with U.S.
sanctions in 2016 for allegedly transporting pro-Assad fighters to Syria
and helping Syrian military intelligence transport weapons and
equipment. The flights, which almost always land late at night, don't
appear in any airport or airline timetables, and fly in from either
Damascus or Latakia, a Syrian city where Russia has a military base.
The operation lays bare the gaps in the U.S. sanctions, which are
designed to starve Assad and his allies in Iran's Revolutionary Guard
and the Hezbollah militia of the men and materiel they need to wage
their military campaign.
It also provides a glimpse of the methods used to send private Russian
military contractors to Syria – a deployment the Kremlin insists does
not exist. Russian officials say Moscow's presence is limited to air
strikes, training of Syrian forces and small numbers of special forces
troops.
Reuters reporters staked out the Rostov airport, logged the unusual
flights using publicly available flight-tracking data, searched aircraft
ownership registries and conducted dozens of interviews, including a
meeting at a fashionable restaurant with a former Soviet marine major on
a U.S. government blacklist.
Asked about the flights and the activities of Russian private military
contractors in Syria, a spokesman for Russian President Vladimir Putin
referred Reuters to the Defence Ministry – which didn't reply to the
questions. The Syrian government also didn't reply to questions.
In response to detailed Reuters questions, Cham Wings said only that
information on where it flies was available on its website.
The flights to Rostov aren't mentioned on the site. But the journeys do
appear in online flight-tracking databases. Reporters traced flights
between the Rostov airport and Syria from Jan. 5, 2017, to March 11,
2018. In that time, Cham Wings aircraft made 51 round trips, each time
using Airbus A320 jets that can carry up to 180 passengers.
The issue of military casualties is highly sensitive in Russia, where
memories linger of operations in Chechnya and Afghanistan that dragged
on for years. Friends and relatives of the contractors suspect Moscow is
using the private fighters in Syria because that way it can put more
boots on the ground without risking regular soldiers, whose deaths have
to be accounted for.
Forty-four regular Russian service personnel have died in Syria since
the start of the operation there in September 2015, Russian authorities
have said. A Reuters tally based on accounts from families and friends
of the dead and local officials suggests that at least 40 contractors
were killed between January and August 2017 alone.
One contractor killed in Syria left Russia on a date that tallies with
one of the mysterious nighttime flights out of Rostov, his widow said.
The death certificate issued by the Russian consulate in Damascus gave
his cause of death as "haemorrhagic shock from shrapnel and bullet
wounds."
TRYING TO CHOKE OFF ASSAD'S ACCESS TO AIRCRAFT
To sustain his military campaign against rebels, Assad and his allies in
Russia, Iran and the Hezbollah militia need access to civilian aircraft
to fly in men and supplies. Washington has tried to choke off access to
the aircraft and their parts through export restrictions on Syria and
Iran and through Treasury Department sanctions blacklisting airlines in
those countries. The Treasury Department has also blacklisted several
companies outside Syria, accusing them of acting as middlemen.
"These actions demonstrate our resolve to target anyone who is enabling
Assad and his regime," John E. Smith, director of the Treasury
Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control, said in testimony to a
congressional committee in November.
In recent years, dozens of planes have been registered in Ukraine to two
firms, Khors and Dart, that were founded by a former Soviet marine major
and his onetime military comrades, according to the Ukraine national
aircraft register. The planes were then sold or leased and ended up
being operated by Iranian and Syrian airlines, according to the
flight-tracking data.
One of the companies, Khors, and the former marine major, Sergei
Tomchani, have been on a U.S. Commerce Department blacklist since 2011
for allegedly exporting aircraft to Iran and Syria without obtaining
licenses from Washington.
But in the past seven years, Khors and Dart have managed to acquire or
lease 84 second-hand Airbus and Boeing aircraft by passing the aircraft
through layers of non-sanctioned entities, according to information
collated by Reuters from national aircraft registers. Of these 84
aircraft, at least 40 have since been used in Iran, Syria and Iraq,
according to data from three flight-tracking websites, which show the
routes aircraft fly and give the call sign of the company operating
them.
In September, the U.S. Treasury Department added Khors and Dart to its
sanctions blacklist, saying they were helping sanctioned airlines
procure U.S.-made aircraft. Khors and Dart, as well as Tomchani, have
denied any wrongdoing related to supplying planes to sanctioned
entities.
The ownership histories of some of the aircraft tracked by Reuters
showed how the U.S. restrictions on supplies to Iranian and Syrian
airlines may be skirted. As the ownership skips from one country to the
next, the complex paper trail masks the identity of those involved in
Syria's procurement of the planes.
One of the Cham Wings Airbus A320 jets that has made the Rostov-Syria
trip was, according to the Irish aircraft register, once owned by ILFC
Ireland Limited, a subsidiary of Dublin-based AerCap, one of the world's
biggest aircraft-leasing firms.
In January 2015, the aircraft was removed from the Irish register, said
a spokesman for the Irish Aviation Authority, which administers the
register. For the next two months, the aircraft, which carried the
identification number EI-DXY, vanished from national registers before
showing up on the aircraft register in Ukraine.
The Ukrainian register gave its new owner as Gresham Marketing Ltd,
which is registered in the British Virgin Islands. The owners of the
company are two Ukrainians, Viktor Romanika and Nikolai Saverchenko,
according to corporate documents leaked from the Panamanian law firm
Mossack Fonseca. Ukrainian business records show they are managers in
small local businesses. Contacted by phone, Romanika said he knew
nothing and hung up. Saverchenko couldn't be reached by phone and didn't
respond to a letter delivered to the address listed for him.
In March 2015, Gresham leased EI-DXY to Dart, according to the Ukrainian
aircraft register. The identification number was changed to a Ukrainian
number, UR-CNU. On Aug. 20, 2015, Khors became the aircraft's operator,
the register showed.
A representative of the Ukraine State Aviation Service said the register
was not intended as official confirmation of ownership but that there
had been no complaints about the accuracy of its information.
From April that year, the aircraft was flown by Cham Wings, according to
data from the flight-tracking websites.
Gillian Culhane, a spokeswoman for AerCap, the firm whose subsidiary
owned the plane in 2015, didn't respond to written questions or answer
repeated phone calls seeking comment about what AerCap knew about the
subsequent owners and operators of the plane. Dart and Khors didn't
respond to questions about the specific aircraft.
Four lawyers specializing in U.S. export rules say that transactions
involving aircraft that end up in Iran or Syria carry significant risks
for Western companies supplying the planes or equipment. Even if they
had no direct dealings with a sanctioned entity, the companies supplying
the aircraft can face penalties or restrictions imposed by the U.S.
government, the lawyers said.
The lawyers, however, said that the legal exposure for aircraft makers
such as Boeing and Airbus was minimal, because the trade involves
second-hand aircraft that are generally more than 20 years old, and the
planes had been through a long chain of owners before ending up with
operators subject to sanctions.
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Syria's President Bashar al-Assad visits a Russian air base at
Hmeymim, in western Syria in this handout picture posted on SANA on
June 27, 2017, Syria. SANA/Handout via REUTERS/File Photo
Two of the lawyers, including Edward J. Krauland, who leads the
international regulation and compliance group at law firm Steptoe &
Johnson, said U.S. export rules apply explicitly to Boeing aircraft
because they're made in the United States. But they can also apply
to Airbus jets because, in many cases, a substantial percentage of
the components is of U.S. origin.
Boeing said in a statement: "The aircraft transactions described
that are the subject of your inquiry did not involve The Boeing
Company. Boeing maintains a robust overall trade control and
sanctions compliance program." An Airbus spokesman said, "Airbus
fully respects all applicable legal requirements with regard to
transactions with countries under U.N., EU, UK and U.S. sanctions."
WAR-ZONE FLIGHTS
When Reuters sent a series of questions to Khors and Dart about
their activities, Tomchani, the former marine major, called the
reporter within minutes.
He said he was no longer a shareholder in either firm but was acting
as a consultant to them, and that the questions had been passed on
to him. He invited the reporter to meet the following day at the
high-end Velyur restaurant in Kiev, the Ukrainian capital.
In the 90-minute meeting, he denied providing aircraft to Iran or
Syria. Instead, he said, Khors and Dart had provided aircraft to
third parties, which he did not identify. Those third parties, he
said, supplied the planes on to the end users.
"We did not supply aircraft to Iran," Tomchani, a man of military
bearing in his late 50s, said as he sipped herbal tea. "We have
nothing to do with supplying aircraft to Cham Wings."
Neither Dart nor Khors could have sold or leased aircraft to Cham
Wings because they were not the owners of the aircraft, he said.
Tomchani used to serve in a marine unit of the Soviet armed forces
in Vladivostok, on Russia's Pacific coast. In 1991, after quitting
the military with the rank of major, he set up Khors along with two
other officers in his unit. Tomchani and his partners made a living
by flying Soviet-built aircraft, sold off cheap after the collapse
of the Soviet Union, in war zones.
Khors flew cargoes in Angola for the Angolan government and Defence
Ministry and aid agencies during its civil war. Tomchani said his
companies also operated flights in Iraq after the U.S.-led invasion
in 2003, transporting private security contractors.
Ukraine's register of business ownership showed that Tomchani ceased
to be a shareholder in Khors after June 2010 and that he gave up his
interest in Dart at some point after April 2011. He told Reuters he
sold his stakes to "major businessmen," but declined to name them.
He did say, however, that the people listed at the time of the
interview in Ukraine's business register as the owners of the two
companies were merely proxies. One of the owners in the register was
a mid-ranking Khors executive, one was an 81-year-old accountant for
several Kiev firms, and another was someone with the same name and
address as a librarian from Melitopol in southeast Ukraine.
According to the business register, the owner of 25 percent in Khors
is someone called Vladimir Suchkov. The address listed for him in
the register is No. 33, Elektrikov Street, Kiev. That's the same
address as the one listed in Ukrainian government procurement
documents for military unit No. A0515, which comes under the command
of the Ukrainian Defence Ministry's Main Intelligence Directorate.
Tomchani said he and Suchkov were old acquaintances. "He wasn't a
bad specialist," Tomchani said. "A young lad, but not bad." He said
he believed Suchkov was living in Russia.
Reuters was unable to contact Suchkov. A telephone number listed for
him was out of service. The Ukrainian Intelligence Directorate's
acting head, Alexei Bakumenko, told Reuters that Suchkov doesn't
work there.
Reuters found no evidence of any other link between the trade in
aircraft and Ukraine's broader spy apparatus. Ukrainian military
intelligence said it has no knowledge of the supply of aircraft to
Syria, has no connection to the transport of military contractors
from Russia to Syria, and hasn't cooperated with Khors, Dart or Cham
Wings.
On Jan. 9 this year, Dart changed its name to Alanna, and listed a
new address and founders, according to the Ukrainian business
register. On March 1, a new company, Alanna Air, took over Alanna's
assets and liabilities, the register showed.
CONTRACTORS COME BACK IN CASKETS
Although Moscow denies it is sending private military contractors to
Syria, plenty of people say that's untrue. Among them are dozens of
friends and former colleagues of the fighters and people associated
with the firm that recruits the men – a shadowy organization known
as Wagner with no offices, not even a brass plaque on a door.
It was founded by Dmitry Utkin, a former military intelligence
officer, according to people interviewed during this investigation.
Its first combat role was in eastern Ukraine in support of
Moscow-backed separatists, they said. Reuters was unable to contact
Utkin directly. The League of Veterans of Local Conflicts, which
according to Russian media has ties to Utkin, declined to pass on a
message to him, saying it had no connection to the Wagner group.
Russia has 2,000 to 3,000 contractors fighting in Syria, said
Yevgeny Shabayev, local leader of a paramilitary organization in
Russia who is in touch with some of the men. In a single battle in
February this year, about 300 contractors were either killed or
wounded, according to a military doctor and two other sources
familiar with the matter.
A Russian private military contractor who has been on four missions
to Syria said he arrived there on board a Cham Wings flight from
Rostov. The flights were the main route for transporting the
contractors, said the man, who asked to be identified only by his
first name, Vladimir. He said the contractors occasionally use
Russian military aircraft too, when they can't all fit on the Cham
Wings jets.
Two employees at Rostov airport talked to Reuters about the men on
the mysterious flights to Syria.
"Our understanding is that these are contractors," said an employee
who said he assisted with boarding for several of the Syria flights.
He pointed to their destination, the fact there were no women among
them and that they carried military-style rucksacks. He spoke on
condition of anonymity, saying he wasn't authorized to speak to the
media.
Reuters wasn't able to establish how many passengers were carried
between Russia and Syria, and it is possible that some of those on
board were not in Syria in combat roles. Some may have landed in
Damascus, then flown to other destinations outside Syria.
Interviews with relatives of contractors killed in Syria also
indicate the A320 flights to Rostov are used to transport Russian
military contractors. The widow of one contractor killed in Syria
said the last time she spoke to her husband by phone was on Jan. 21
last year – the same day, according to flight-tracking data, that a
Cham Wings charter flew to Syria.
"He called on the evening of the 21st ... There were men talking and
the sound of walkie-talkies. And by the 22nd he was already not
reachable. Only text messages were reaching him," said the woman,
who had previously visited her husband at a training camp for the
contractors in southern Russia.
After he was killed, she said, his body was delivered to Russia. She
received a death certificate saying he had died of "haemorrhagic
shock from shrapnel and bullet wounds."
The widows of two other contractors killed in Syria described how
their husbands' bodies arrived back home. Like the first widow, they
spoke on condition of anonymity. They said representatives of the
organization that recruited their husbands warned of repercussions
if they spoke to the media.
The two contractors had been on previous combat tours, their widows
said. The women said they received death certificates giving Syria
as the location of death. Reuters saw the certificates: On one, the
cause of death was listed as "carbonization of the body" – in other
words, he burned to death. The other man bled to death from multiple
shrapnel wounds, the certificate said.
One of the widows recounted conversations with her husband after he
returned from his first tour of duty to Syria. He told her that
Russian contractors there are often sent into the thick of the
battle and are the first to enter captured towns, she said.
Syrian government forces then come into the town and raise their
flags, he told her, taking credit for the victory.
((Additional reporting by Christian Lowe, Anton Zverev, Gleb
Stolyarov and Denis Pinchuk in Moscow and Joel Schectman and Lesley
Wroughton in Washington; editing by Kari Howard and Richard Woods))
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