Exclusive: Under Trump, prosecutors fight
reprieves for people facing deportation
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[March 29, 2018]
By Reade Levinson
NEW YORK (Reuters) - The Trump
administration has sharply curtailed a once-common practice of granting
long-term reprieves to immigrants targeted for deportation, a Reuters
analysis of court records shows, adding to an already huge backlog of
cases in U.S. immigration courts.
The trend underscores how the Trump administration's broad crackdown on
illegal immigration has sometimes had unintended consequences.
Attorney-General Jeff Sessions had vowed to reduce that case backlog,
but the government's aggressive opposition to reprieves has caused the
opposite to happen.
Under a procedure known as “administrative closure,” judges can
indefinitely shelve deportation cases of immigrants who have lived
illegally for years in the United States but have not committed serious
crimes and have strong family or other ties in the country. The
immigrants are not granted full legal status and their cases can be
reopened at any time. In the interim they can remain in the country and
often are eligible to work legally.
The practice became more common after the Obama administration
instructed prosecutors in 2011 to prioritize immigration cases involving
criminals. Closures accelerated further after a 2012 decision by the
Board of Immigration Appeals, which gave judges additional authority to
close cases.
As a result, the number of shelved cases rose steadily for several
years. In the last year of the Obama administration, more than 56,000
such cases were closed, the Reuters analysis of court records found.
In the first year after Donald Trump became president, the trend was
sharply reversed, with about 20,000 cases closed, 64 percent fewer than
the previous year. (Graphic: http://tmsnrt.rs/2DKhoAJ)
Immigrant advocates say some of the most vulnerable immigrants - victims
of domestic violence and unaccompanied minors - could potentially be
deported even though they are eligible for a visa, because the courts
will not set their cases aside.
In January, Sessions announced he will review a recent decision of the
Board of Immigration Appeals and consider whether judges should have
authority to close cases. He sought legal arguments from all sides as he
considers the matter.
In a December speech, Sessions skewered the Obama administration for
closing “nearly 200,000 pending immigration court cases without a final
decision” over a five-year period. “We are completing, not closing,
immigration cases,” he said.
About 542,000 cases were pending three weeks before Trump took office in
January 2017, according to a Department of Justice estimate. Since then,
the backlog has grown by another estimated 145,000 cases, a 27 percent
increase.
In comparison, the Obama administration added an average of 41,000 cases
to the backlog each year, according to data from the Transactional
Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC), a New York-based research
organization.
OPPOSING VIEWS
Trump was elected on a platform of tightening border security and
speeding the removal of people living in the country illegally. Early in
his presidency, he announced that all categories of immigrants in the
country illegally would be considered targets for deportation.
Justice Department spokesman Devin O’Malley declined to comment on
Reuters’ findings and on when Sessions might conclude his review of
whether judges can close cases.
Groups advocating stricter immigration enforcement have long opposed the
policy of administrative closure.
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A Homeland Security Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) bus is
seen parked outside a federal jail in San Diego, California, U.S.
October 19, 2017. REUTERS/Mike Blake
“We see this as one more example of attempts by the Obama administration
to work around the rules of law,” said Michael Hethmon, senior counsel
with the conservative Immigration Reform Law Institute in Washington.
In a legal filing in the Sessions' review, the American Bar Association
cautioned that “withdrawal of administrative closure ... would have
profound and long-lasting consequences on the operation of the
immigration adjudication system and the lives of those who must proceed
through it.”
Supporters of the policy also say it allows judges to focus on cases
involving criminals and ones in which an immigrant has little
possibility of gaining legal status. They note that many of the closed
cases involved immigrants who had applications pending for legal status,
through asylum claims, marriages to citizens or other means.
RUNNING FROM THE GANGS
After gangs shot her father, paralyzing him and placing him permanently
in a wheelchair, Jennifer Mendoza fled Honduras by herself in 2016. She
was 10 years old.
She was detained after crossing the border, placed in deportation
proceedings and held for four months at a facility for unaccompanied
minors in Texas until she could be reunited with her mother, Ruth. The
two applied for a U visa, which is granted to undocumented immigrants
who are victims of violent crime and who help law enforcement try to
catch the perpetrators.
In February this year, Mendoza moved to close her deportation case while
she waited for a decision on her visa. The immigration court judge
agreed, but the government lawyer objected and appealed. The case is now
pending at the Board of Immigration Appeals.
Mendoza’s lawyer, Vicky Dobrin, said the case shows how aggressively the
government is fighting closures. Prosecutors used to routinely support
closing cases like Mendoza's, said Dobrin.
“Within a few months they were starting to oppose everything,” she said.
During the last four years of the Obama administration, prosecutors
appealed less than one percent of all case closures. Since Trump took
office in January 2017, ICE prosecutors have appealed decisions to close
cases 10 times more often, Reuters found.
Ashley Tabaddor, president of the immigration judges’ union, said the
pushback from prosecutors has meant more work for judges.
“The case is going to take much longer and is going to take more
resources,” she said.
(Reporting by Reade Levinson; Editing by Sue Horton and Ross Colvin)
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