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						Social Security and the U.S. deficit: Separating fact 
						from fiction
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		 [November 03, 2018] 
		 By Mark Miller 
 CHICAGO (Reuters) - For decades, some of 
		our most prominent U.S. politicians have been sounding the alarm that 
		Social Security is an important driver of the federal budget deficit. 
		But is that really true?
 
 U.S. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Republican, recently 
		pointed to “entitlements” as the key cause of rising federal deficits, 
		and blamed Democrats for refusing to go along with proposals to cut 
		spending by Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security.
 
 McConnell was responding to a report from the U.S. Department of the 
		Treasury last month that the budget deficit grew to $779 billion in 
		fiscal 2018, the highest in six years. Treasury attributed the increase 
		to the tax cuts contained in the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), higher 
		spending and rising interest payments. (Full Story) (https://reut.rs/2CNjSBm).
 
 The call for cuts to our very popular entitlement programs just before 
		an election makes for surprising politics - and it is not selling well 
		with the public; a poll this week by NPR, PBS NewsHour and Marist 
		(https://bit.ly/2zewazj) found that 60 percent of Americans would prefer 
		to reverse the tax cuts than cut spending on Social Security, Medicare 
		and Medicaid.
 
		
		 
		
 But is there substance to McConnell’s argument?
 
 You can make a case that rising spending on Medicare and Medicaid 
		contribute to deficits, since both depend partially on federal general 
		revenue. I would counter that the rising cost of these programs reflects 
		a general problem with rising healthcare costs that affects not just 
		government, but employers who insure workers and individuals buying 
		their own insurance.
 
 But it is quite a stretch to argue that Social Security drives deficits.
 
 By law, Social Security cannot contribute to the federal deficit, 
		because it is required to pay benefits only from its trust funds. Those, 
		in turn, are funded through a dedicated payroll tax of 12.4 percent of 
		income, split evenly between employees and employers, levied on income 
		(this year) up to $128,400.
 
 The program’s revenue and expenses are accounted for through two federal 
		trust funds that have operated with large and growing surpluses in 
		recent years, and they finished fiscal 2018 with an estimated $2.89 
		trillion. By law, Social Security must invest these surplus funds only 
		in special-issue U.S. Treasury notes, which have the same full faith and 
		credit guarantee as any other federal bond.
 
 LONG-RANGE OUTLOOK
 
 Going forward, the trust fund surplus will be drawn down as an aging 
		population claims benefits, and as the U.S. fertility rate continues to 
		decline, which means fewer workers are coming along to pay taxes into 
		the system.
 
 That already is starting to happen. In fiscal 2018, expenditures 
		exceeded revenue (including interest on investments) for the first time 
		since 1982. Social Security took in $912 billion in fiscal 2018 and 
		spent $991 billion. The difference - $79 billion - came from repayment 
		of interest on those Treasury notes. Some conservative policy analysts 
		point to that payment as evidence that Social Security is a cause of 
		deficits, since the $79 billion payment came from general revenue.
 
 
		
		 
		“We can call that $79 billion an interest payment on past borrowing - 
		fine,” said Brian Riedl, senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, a 
		conservative think tank. "Social Security in the past ran annual 
		surpluses and lent that surplus money to the Treasury. In those years, 
		the existence of Social Security reduced the federal budget deficit. 
		Today, it is relying on a cash infusion from the Treasury to pay full 
		benefits."
 
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			 A sign is seen on the entrance to a Social Security office in New 
			York City, U.S., July 16, 2018. REUTERS/Brendan McDermid/File Photo 
            
			 
Riedl's point is technically correct. But in this sense, Social Security is no 
more a cause of the deficit than any other holder of U.S. Treasuries, be it Wall 
Street or the Chinese government. “Government needs to raise a certain amount of 
money unless it balances its general fund,” said Nancy Altman, president of 
Social Security Works, an advocacy group.
 “If it doesn’t do that, it issues bonds - the only question is, who buys them?” 
said Altman.
 
 A second argument that Social Security contributes to deficits is related to the 
longer-run outlook for the program. The trust funds are projected to be 
exhausted in 2034; at that point, incoming revenue would be sufficient to 
continue paying only about 75 percent of promised benefits.
 
 We might or might not reach that point - we could eliminate much of this 
long-range shortfall by gradually increasing payroll taxes and raising the cap 
on covered income. Or we could reduce benefits by further increasing the full 
retirement age, or craft some combination of tax increases and benefit cuts.
 
 Other creative options could include permitting the Social Security trustees to 
invest a modest portion of reserve funds in equities, or to levy a tax on 
financial services. From where I sit, the smart move is to bolster the program 
with higher revenue to close the shortfall and expand benefits.
 
 But deficit hawks point to the 2034 exhaustion date to argue that the government 
would have to make up any shortfall and continue paying full benefits. The 
argument here is that Congress would never allow a huge cut to Social Security 
benefits in light of the program’s popularity and the importance of benefits; if 
the trust fund were to run dry, lawmakers would simply make up the difference 
out of general revenue.
 
 But the assertion that we will reach the 2034 benefit cuts is speculative. 
Congress may craft a solution ahead of that date, or it may not.
 
 
 
Even more speculative is the question whether general revenue would be tapped if 
we do reach the 2034 exhaustion doomsday scenario. The long-range budget 
forecast by the Congressional Budget Office assumes this would happen - but not 
because the nonpartisan congressional budget scorekeeper has an opinion one way 
or the other. Federal law requires the CBO to assume that payments for some 
mandatory programs would continue to be fully funded in this situation.
 
 What would the Social Security Administration actually do if the trust fund were 
exhausted? The answer is not clear, according to recent analysis by the 
Congressional Research Service. It could continue paying benefits on a delayed 
schedule or cut payments. And beneficiaries might take legal action to claim 
full benefits, since Social Security is a legal entitlement.
 
 One hopes that these questions will never be answered, because exhaustion would 
be a real mess. But we can get the answer to the question of whether Social 
Security drives the deficit right now: No.
 
 (The opinions expressed here are those of the author, a columnist for Reuters.)
 
 (Reporting and writing by Mark Miller in Chicago)
 
				 
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