In Mexico's shale patch, cartel violence
scares off drillers
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[September 26, 2018]
By Adriana Barrera
REYNOSA, Mexico (Reuters) - The oil and gas
fracking boom has lured scores of drillers to the Eagle Ford region of
South Texas, the second largest U.S. oil patch, as new production
technology opened access to billions more barrels.
The play extends across the Mexican border, where its name changes to
the Burgos Basin – an equally fertile shale region where the oil and gas
sit mostly idle underground in a region terrorized by criminal gangs.
The violence here threatens to derail the country’s first-ever auction
of exploration and production rights to its shale fields in February –
one that could prove pivotal to its hopes for reversing a national
decline in crude and natural gas output to two-decade lows.
Despite an energy-reform push that has aimed to lure investments from
foreign oil firms since 2014, only Mexico’s state-run oil firm Pemex has
tried fracking the country’s shale reserves, and only experimentally,
even as fields that are accessible with traditional drilling methods are
drying up.
The nine shale oil and gas blocks up for auction are all within Burgos,
in the northern state of Tamaulipas, where the Gulf and Zeta cartels
have waged a war for control of drug and human-trafficking routes since
2010.
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As security unraveled, at least two Pemex workers were killed and 16
were kidnapped as gangs demanded protection money from oil firms and
blocked work crews from accessing wells and pipelines. A manager with
Weatherford International Ltd <WFT.N>, the Switzerland-based oilfield
services firm, was also murdered.
In April, a Pemex security worker guarding installations against fuel
thieves was killed and another was shot in an ambush in the Tamaulipas
city of Matamoros after gunmen fired some 60 rounds into a vehicle.
The Burgos Basin contains about two thirds of the country’s technically
recoverable shale reserves, estimated at 545 trillion cubic feet (TCF)
of gas and 13.1 billion barrels of oil and condensate, compared to the
665 TCF of gas and 58 billion barrels of oil and condensate in the
United States, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.
Companies that are already fracking across the border in Texas would
likely expand into Mexico if the government could address the violence,
oil executives said.
Mexican government officials often field questions about security in
gatherings where they promoted the nation's drilling opportunities to
oil firms.
"In every meeting I was able to attend, there were questions about
security,” said Jorge Rios, vice president of operations for Latin
America with Precision Drilling, a Canadian company that operates in the
Eagle Ford and has drilled in Mexico in the past. “The response was not
firm."
Mexico’s energy and interior ministries did not respond to requests for
comment. Pemex declined to comment.
Repsol <REP.MC>, a Spanish oil major, left the Burgos Basin in 2014 as
the violence escalated, ending operations it began in 2004 as the first
foreign firm to drill in Mexico since it nationalized the industry in
1938. The company, which has shale operations in Eagle Ford, would
require "very big changes" before it considered returning to the Burgos,
a Repsol executive told Reuters on condition of anonymity.
"In 2014 the situation was difficult to manage,” the executive said.
“Now it's worse."
Repsol declined to comment through its Mexican public relations agency
on the executive’s version of events.
GOVERNMENT SILENCE
Mexico’s natural gas output fell for third year in a row to 4,240
million cubic feet per day last year, increasing the need of imported
gas - almost entirely from the United States - to 84 percent of the
nation’s consumption. The growing dependence on foreign gas prompted the
government to hold a conference for energy companies in the city of
Reynosa in Tamaulipas to promote the upcoming shale auction.
The cheerfully-colored Parque Cultural Reynosa conference center was
guarded by soldiers and police armed with automatic weapons. But inside
the conference in February, panelists carefully avoided any mention of
murders or kidnappings. One panelist told Reuters he had specifically
been asked by Tamaulipas state officials to avoid mentioning violence.
“The government was in promotional mode. They weren’t going to talk
about the bad things,” said another conference participant.
Tamaulipas' state energy commission and local officials, which helped
organize the conference, did not respond to a request for comment.
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Soldiers keep guard a gas facility of Pemex in Reynosa September 18,
2012. REUTERS/Daniel Becerril/File Photo
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Security problems were nonetheless top-of-mind for attendees – who
were greeted by the news of crackling shootouts in the
crime-infested border city. Delegates stayed at a heavily fortified
hotel and waited for rides to the conference in armored vehicles
guarded by soldiers.
In the days leading up to the conference, about a dozen bodies were
left in the streets as cartel linked to the Gulf and Zeta cartels
mounted roadblocks and battled security forces. Two weeks before, in
the nearby city of Nuevo Laredo, a gun battle broke out within
meters of where the mayor was giving a speech.
Another conference participant – a Houston-area businessman – said
the Mexican government had taken a head-in-the-sand approach to the
violence, one he compared unfavorably to Colombia, where senior
security officials showed up at energy conferences a few years ago
to reassure investors of progress in fighting armed rebels.
"If Mexico had a solution,” he said, “they would have talked about
it."
‘THAT’S WHAT MADE US LEAVE’
In 2003, Repsol was awarded a service contract by Pemex in the
Burgos Basin to develop several conventional natural gas fields
along the Reynosa-Monterrey area for 10 years. Repsol increased
production at the region after an initial investment of $170
million, but returned the installation to the state-run firm in
early 2014.
When Repsol started, the Reynosa region was relatively calm, but
within a couple of years it plunged into chaos after President
Felipe Calderon went on the offensive against drug cartels. The
Repsol executive said oil firms had to guard against kidnappings,
extortion and having workers caught in crossfires between rival
gangs, along with is now Mexico's fastest-growing organized crime -
fuel theft.
The firm invested in private security, the executive said, but it
wasn’t enough.
"That's what made us leave," the executive said.
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A senior Pemex executive compared the current situation in
Tamaulipas to Iraq and Colombia during their years of conflict,
saying oil companies could operate with appropriate safety measures.
"You can work, perhaps not as efficiently as we would like, but you
don't lose money, either," the executive said.
Other companies including Newpek, a unit of Mexico's Alfa <ALFAA.MX>,
and a consortium of Mexico's Jaguar Exploración y Producción with a
unit of Canada's Sun God Resources, came to drill in Tamaulipas
state after the 2014 government oil reforms.
By the time they arrived, strict protocols had been introduced by
operators and service firms in the area, keeping employees inside
between 4 p.m. and 8 a.m. and coordinating with the military before
moving into the field.
To avoid dangerous misunderstandings, cars are clearly marked with
company logos and employees avoid wearing clothes that the criminals
could mistake for security forces, two oil workers told Reuters.
They practice defensive driving, move in convoys and are told to
respond honestly if interrogated by the cartel.
Women are generally not permitted to work beyond the major urban
areas.
"I was not allowed to go into the field because there is a high risk
I could be raped,” one female worker said.
Liberty Oilfield Services <LBRT.N>, whose operations include the
Eagle Ford, has not considered operating in Mexico in part because
of safety concerns.
"The safety of our workers in Mexico would be a massive concern,”
said Liberty Chief Executive Officer Chris Wright. “We’d take some
of our own actions for security and guards, but maybe that’s not
enough.”
(Reporting by Adriana Barrera in Reynosa, Mexico; Additional
reporting by David Alire Garcia in Mexico City and Marianna Parraga
and Liz Hampton in Houston; Editing by Frank Jack Daniel and Brian
Thevenot)
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