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						Questions linger over Deripaska's Rusal influence after 
						U.S. deal
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		 [February 04, 2019]   
		By Polina Devitt and Arshad Mohammed 
 MOSCOW/WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. 
		Treasury believes it can curb the influence of Oleg Deripaska over 
		aluminum giant Rusal despite concerns the Russian oligarch may still be 
		able to pull the strings of his business empire from behind the scenes.
 
 Rusal and its parent company En+ were hit with U.S. sanctions in April 
		when Washington blacklisted billionaire Deripaska along with several 
		other influential Russians because of their ties to Russian President 
		Vladimir Putin.
 
 After months of negotiations, Deripaska agreed in late 2018 to reduce 
		his stake in En+ to 44.95 percent from 70 percent in a deal with the 
		U.S. Treasury Department that allowed the punitive measures against 
		Rusal and En+ to be lifted.
 
 While the announcement was a relief to major companies that depend on 
		aluminum, U.S. congressional Democrats demanded further legislation to 
		ensure that Deripaska abides by the deal "in letter and in spirit".
 
 They believe U.S. President Donald Trump let Deripaska off the hook 
		following intense lobbying by some European companies and governments 
		worried about the impact of high aluminum prices and the fate of workers 
		at Rusal's operations in Europe.
 
		
		 
		
 While the voting rights in En+ under Deripaska's control are now capped 
		at 35 percent, votes controlled by potential allies could boost that 
		percentage above 50 and allow the Russian tycoon to influence strategic 
		decisions.
 
 Under the new structure, Deripaska's long-term partner Glencore, a 
		Swiss-based commodities trading company, gets 10.55 percent of the votes 
		while Kremlin-controlled bank VTB holds onto 7.35 percent, according to 
		the voting structure published by En+.
 
 As part of the deal, four U.S.-nominated independent trustees now 
		control the voting rights for another 37.7 percent of En+ shares held by 
		Deripaska, former family members, his charitable foundation, VTB and 
		some other shareholders.
 
 The remaining votes in En+, which will have a 56.9 percent stake in 
		Rusal once the ownership restructuring is complete, are controlled by 
		institutional and retail investors.
 
 GRAPHIC - En+ shareholder structure : https://tmsnrt.rs/2BcbOIZ
 
 STRETCHED THIN
 
 The deal contains multiple measures, including the threat of sanctions, 
		to prevent a scenario in which Deripaska could exercise control over the 
		companies at board level by acting in concert with other shareholders.
 
 But many of those measures operate on the basis of self-reporting: the 
		companies must inform the U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets 
		Control (OFAC) of any attempt by Deripaska and other shareholders to 
		form a coalition.
 
 Elizabeth Rosenberg, a former U.S. Treasury official at the Center for a 
		New American Security think-tank, said OFAC, which administers U.S. 
		sanctions regimes against Iran, Venezuela and elsewhere, may not have 
		the resources to track Deripaska's role.
 
 "I am worried that, in fact, the task may be beyond them and that in 
		fact they are stretched extremely thin, with an array of other 
		priorities ... and that they won't have the bandwidth to follow up 
		adequately," Rosenberg said.
 
 A U.S. Treasury Department spokesman who spoke on condition of anonymity 
		said the deal was robust enough to sever Deripaska's control over Rusal, 
		En+ and power company ESE - as well as block any attempts to circumvent 
		the rules.
 
		
		 
		
 "Those who transact business for or on his behalf run the risk of being 
		sanctioned themselves, including VTB Bank or Glencore should they choose 
		to work on Deripaska's behalf," said the spokesman.
 
 Deripaska's representative, VTB and Glencore declined to comment.
 
 While the threat of new sanctions is potentially serious for 
		international companies, one European diplomat, who declined to be 
		named, said the risk of being hit by OFAC penalties may have little 
		impact on Russians with limited ties to the West.
 
 "If you are a Russian, living in Russia ... why would you care?" the 
		diplomat
 
 SANCTIONS THREAT
 
 Deripaska, who created his empire after coming out on top in the brutal 
		Russian aluminum wars of the 1990s, is known in the Russian business 
		world as a fighter who never gives up - regardless of the domestic or 
		global balance of power.
 
		
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			Russian aluminium tycoon Oleg Deripaska waits before the talks of 
			Russian President Vladimir Putin with South Korean President Moon 
			Jae-in at the Kremlin in Moscow, Russia June 22, 2018. REUTERS/Sergei 
			Karpukhin 
            
			 
He has spent the past two decades carefully building his chain of assets, 
hand-picking management teams going back to when he took control of his first 
Siberian smelters. And until he agreed to cut his stake in En+ under the U.S. 
deal, he had never sold a major asset in his life.
 The U.S. Treasury spokesman said Deripaska had contractually committed not to 
try to exercise control over En+ or companies it owns or controls, including 
their boards or management.
 
 The deal also requires En+ and its companies to maintain records of any contacts 
between Deripaska and the boards, management, employees, or agents of En+, the 
spokesman said, adding that managers who engage in any contacts that are 
inappropriate under the agreement must be removed.
 
Asked what mechanism OFAC would use to police compliance and how much capacity 
it had for independent checks, the spokesman said information provided by En+ 
and its companies would supplement and be confirmed by a team of U.S. 
investigators.
 "This team will review all submissions to OFAC from En+, Rusal and ESE, in 
addition to using other resources to monitor the actions of Deripaska, the 
companies, and their board members, to ensure that Deripaska is not able to 
exercise unofficial control over En+, Rusal, or ESE," the spokesman said.
 
 He said any attempt by a coalition of shareholders to change the composition of 
a company's board would be uncovered by OFAC and result in the reimposition of 
sanctions on En+, its subsidiaries and any other parties involved.
 
En+ chairman Greg Barker, a former British government minister, said the board 
would go beyond the requirements set out by OFAC by establishing a compliance 
committee and would retain independent counsel to advise on governance.
 QUESTION OF CONTROL?
 
 Some U.S. Democrats remain concerned, however, that despite the various checks 
and balances, Deripaska may still be able to wield influence.
 
 
 Senator Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Senate Intelligence Committee and 
among the most vocal critics of the deal, said there were potential conflicts of 
interest in the new governance structure.
 
One of the trustees appointed by OFAC to exercise voting rights in En+ to ensure 
Deripaska cannot influence the board is a law firm based in Jersey that has 
worked for him and his companies for years.
 "My concern all along was that Deripaska would, directly or indirectly, still 
retain control over his companies and benefit personally from this deal," Warner 
said in response to a Reuters question about the law firm's role as trustee.
 
 Two former U.S. sanctions officials said the deal did sever Deripaska's control. 
But whether he exercises de facto influence is beyond OFAC's scope, said Michael 
Dobson, a former U.S. Treasury official now at the Morrison & Foerster law firm.
 
Analysts said Deripaska may continue to influence decisions simply because of 
his aluminum market expertise.
 "Deripaska has a good understanding of the aluminum market, taking into account 
the number of years he has been dealing with it," said Oleg Petropavlovskiy, 
senior analyst at BCS Global Markets. "En+'s independent directors will probably 
have their ear to him."
 
 As for the managers recruited by Deripaska over the years to run his empire, a 
source close to En+ said there were no plans to remove anyone unaffected by the 
U.S.-mandated restructuring.
 
 The source said: "(En+ is) not pretending that Deripaska is completely removed 
from the business, that was never the issue. The question is the control of the 
business, defined by control at shareholders meetings and of the board."
 
 
(Additional reporting by Polina Ivanova in Moscow and Clara Denina in London; 
editing by David Clarke) 
				 
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