In Trump probes, Congress wary of power
to arrest, fine
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[June 13, 2019]
By Richard Cowan
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A power that the
U.S. Congress has not wielded since the 1930s may remain unused for a
while longer as Democrats turn to the courts -- not long-dormant rules
-- to press home investigations of President Donald Trump and his
administration.
Democratic leaders are reluctant to use the "inherent contempt" power,
under which Congress can jail or fine people who defy its subpoenas, to
end stonewalling by Trump's inner circle, said Representative Steve
Cohen, a Democrat, and member of the House of Representatives Judiciary
Committee.
Inherent contempt is "a tool that’s got advantages and disadvantages,"
the committee's chairman, Jerrold Nadler, said recently. While it is
still an option, he added, "It’s not the most useful thing at the
moment.”
Last invoked more than 80 years ago, inherent contempt empowers
lawmakers to order the Senate or House sergeant-at-arms, both
congressional employees, to apprehend people and detain or fine them.
In recent years, Congress has preferred largely to rely on federal
courts to put some bite into so-called congressional contempt citations
against people who ignore subpoenas in its investigations.
Court action is the path House Democrats have chosen so far in response
to Trump's refusal to hand over documents and make witnesses available
for probes of his turbulent presidency, his family and his taxes and
business holdings.
The Trump administration has ignored a series of subpoenas by
congressional Democrats in the last two months, including an order
seeking an unredacted version of Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report
on Russian interference in the 2016 election.
Asked about dusting off Congress's power to jail subpoena resisters,
Representative Karen Bass, another committee member and Democrat, said,
"I can't imagine that happening."
But she and other Democrats might be willing to use the power to target
the bank accounts of those defying Congress. "If the individuals were
facing fines everyday, that might compel them" to cooperate, Bass said.
"Inherent contempt is always an option" if other methods of enforcing
Congress's investigative clout fail, Representative Ted Lieu, a
Judiciary Committee Democrat, told reporters on Tuesday in discussing
former White House Counsel Don McGahn's continued refusal to testify to
the panel.
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General view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, U.S., April 19,
2019. REUTERS/Joshua Roberts
Representative Hakeem Jeffries said the threat of inherent contempt
may have helped convince Trump's Department of Justice on Monday to
agree to give the Judiciary Committee more evidence from the Mueller
investigation, a rare retreat by Trump from his stonewalling
strategy.
"We began to see yesterday, in the face of the possibility of either
a criminal contempt citation or proceeding with inherent contempt
that they began to see things differently all of a sudden," Jeffries
told reporters.
House Sergeant-at-Arms Paul Irving did not respond to a request for
comment. His current duties include overseeing U.S. Capitol
security. He is seen briefly by millions of people on television
when he announces the president's arrival in the House chamber for
the annual State of the Union address.
Given House Democrats' winning record so far in the courts,
lawmakers said inherent contempt might not be needed.
Two separate judges in May and June ruled against Trump lawsuits
meant to block Democrats' subpoenas for his financial records from
long-time accounting firm Mazars LLP, as well as Deutsche Bank AG
and Capital One Financial, banks Trump did business with.
Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham, a Republican,
criticized the Democrats for dangling the inherent contempt threat
over the White House.
“They’re just trying to satisfy their political base’s desire to see
President Trump’s presidency destroyed. I think it’s a dangerous
thing they are doing,” said Graham. He said Trump had “cooperated
very extensively with Mueller.”
Congress last used its inherent contempt power against William P.
MacCracken Jr., a former assistant commerce secretary, for
destroying and removing papers from files related to a 1930s Air
Mail scandal that had been subpoenaed.
(Reporting by Richard Cowan; additional reporting by David Morgan;
Editing by Kevin Drawbaugh and Alistair Bell)
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