Why U.S.-Iran tensions could quickly
escalate into a crisis
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[May 24, 2019]
By Phil Stewart and Michelle Nichols
WASHINGTON/UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - Three
years ago, when Iran's military captured 10 U.S. sailors after they
mistakenly strayed into Iranian waters, U.S. Secretary of State John
Kerry and Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif jumped on the
phone in minutes and worked out the sailors' release in hours.
Could a similar crisis be so quickly resolved today?
"No,” Zarif said in a recent interview with Reuters. “How could it be
averted?”
Zarif and the current Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, have never spoken
directly, according to Iran's mission at the United Nations. They
instead tend to communicate through name-calling on Twitter or through
the media.
“Pompeo makes sure that every time he talks about Iran, he insults me,”
Zarif said. “Why should I even answer his phone call?”
The open rancor between the nations' two top diplomats underscores
growing concern that the lack of any established channel for direct
negotiation makes a military confrontation more likely in the event of a
misunderstanding or a mishap, according to current and former U.S.
officials, foreign diplomats, U.S. lawmakers and foreign policy experts.
The Trump administration this month ordered the deployment of an
aircraft carrier strike group, bombers and Patriot missiles to the
Middle East, citing intelligence about possible Iranian preparations to
attack U.S. forces or interests.
"The danger of an accidental conflict seems to be increasing over each
day," U.S. Senator Angus King, a political independent from Maine, told
Reuters as he called for direct dialogue between the United States and
Iran.
A senior European diplomat said it was vital for top U.S. and Iranian
officials to be on "speaking terms” to prevent an incident from
mushrooming into a crisis.
"I hope that there are some channels still existing so we don't
sleepwalk into a situation that nobody wants," said the diplomat,
speaking on condition of anonymity. "The rhetoric that we have is
alarming."
State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus declined to address how the
administration would communicate with Iran in a crisis similar to the
2016 incident, but said: “When the time to talk comes, we are confident
we will have every means to do so.”
The administration’s “maximum pressure campaign” against Iran, she said,
aims to force its leaders to the negotiating table.
“If the Iranians are willing to engage on changing their ways to behave
like a normal nation,” Ortagus said, “we are willing to talk to them.”
TWITTER DIPLOMACY
In 2016, Kerry and Zarif knew one another well from the complex
negotiations to reach a 2015 pact to limit Iran's nuclear capabilities.
Three years later, top-level diplomatic relations have all but
disintegrated in the wake of the Trump administration’s withdrawal from
the nuclear pact, its tightening of sanctions on Iranian oil, and its
recent move to designate part of Iran's military as a terrorist group.
U.S. military officials cite growing concern about Iran's development of
precise missiles and its support for proxy forces in Syria, Iraq, Yemen
and beyond.
In the absence of direct talks, Twitter has become a common forum for
U.S. and Iranian officials to trade biting barbs. On Wednesday, an
advisor to Iranian president Hassan Rouhani fired off a tweet at Pompeo
castigating him for provoking Iran with military deployments.
“You @SecPompeo do not bring warships to our region and call it
deterrence. That’s called provocation,” the advisor, Hesameddin Ashena,
tweeted in English. “It compels Iran to illustrate its own deterrence,
which you call provocation. You see the cycle?”
That followed a Trump tweet on Sunday threatening to "end" Iran if it
sought a fight, and a long history of bitter insults traded by Pompeo
and Zarif.
Pompeo in February called Zarif and Iran's president "front men for a
corrupt religious mafia" in a tweet. That same month, another official
at Pompeo's State Department tweeted: "How do you know @JZarif is lying?
His lips are moving."
Zarif, in turn, has used the social media platform to condemn Pompeo and
White House National Security Adviser John Bolton's "pure obsession with
Iran," calling it "the behavior of persistently failing psychotic
stalkers."
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Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif sits for an interview
with Reuters in New York, New York, U.S. April 24, 2019.
REUTERS/Carlo Allegri/File Photo
'AMERICANS HAVE OPTIONS'
U.S. officials, diplomats and lawmakers said they doubted Zarif
would refuse to take a call from Pompeo in a crisis, given the risks
for Iran in any conflict with the U.S. military.
In a Tuesday briefing with reporters, Pompeo appeared to dismiss
concerns about Washington's ability to communicate and negotiate
with Iran.
"There are plenty of ways that we can have a communication
channel," Pompeo said.
Diplomats say Oman, Switzerland and Iraq are nations with ties to
both countries that could pass messages.
"It's a little bit like the Israelis - when they need to get
messages to people, they can get messages to people," said a second
senior European diplomat.
Representative Michael Waltz - the first U.S. Army Green Beret
elected to Congress, said he favored the diplomatic freeze as a way
to force Iran into serious negotiations.
"If you don't have diplomatic isolation, you're having one-off
talks, that lessens the pressure," said Waltz, who is also a former
Pentagon official.
But indirect message-passing can be too cumbersome in a fast-moving
crisis, said Kevin Donegan, a retired vice admiral who oversaw U.S.
naval forces in the Middle East as commander of the Fifth Fleet when
the U.S. sailors were captured by Iran.
Such dealings through intermediaries "require time and will not
allow an opportunity to de-escalate a rapidly unfolding tactical
situation," said Donegan, now a senior adviser at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies, who added that he was not
commenting on current U.S. policy.
Donegan and Waltz both said it would be helpful to have some kind of
hotline between the U.S. and Iranian militaries, but Donegan and
other experts were skeptical Iran would agree to such an
arrangement.
BACK CHANNELS THROUGH OMAN, IRAQ … RUSSIA?
On May 3 - after Washington became alarmed by intelligence
indicating that Iran might be preparing for an attack on the United
States or its interests - it sent messages to Iran via "a third
party," one U.S. official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Marine General Joseph Dunford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, also told Congress on May 8 that messages had been sent to
"to make sure that it was clear to Iran that we recognized the
threat and we were postured to respond."
Waltz said Dunford told lawmakers at a closed-door hearing that he
had sent a message to Qassem Soleimani - the influential commander
of the Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force - warning him that Iran
would be held directly accountable if one of its proxy forces
attacks Americans.
"The message now was: 'We're not going to hold your proxies
accountable'" if they attack U.S. citizens or forces in the region,
he said. "'We're going to hold you, the regime, accountable.'"
Another official said the United States had authorized Iraq "to let
the Iranians know that there is no plausible deniability about
attacks on Americans in Iraq" after U.S. intelligence flagged
preparations for a possible attack by Iran-backed militias in Iraq.
Joseph Votel, the now retired four-star general who oversaw U.S.
troops in the Middle East until March, noted earlier this year that
the U.S. military might be able to indirectly get a message to
Iranian forces through an existing hotline with Russia meant to
avoid accidental conflicts in Syria.
"The Iranians can talk to the Russians,” he said. “We have a
well-established professional communication channel with the
Russians."
But the prospect of relying on the Russian government to get United
States out of a crisis with Iran is hardly reassuring to many
current and former officials in the United States.
"That would be a risky choice," said Wendy Sherman, an under
secretary of state in the Obama administration.
(Reporting by Phil Stewart and Michelle Nichols; Editing by Brian
Thevenot)
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