Commentaries posted do not necessarily represent the opinion of LDN.
 Any opinions expressed are those of the writers.


ILLINOIS WATCHDOG’S REPORT OF ‘SERIOUS MISCONDUCT’ WAS ‘SQUASHED’ BY PANEL OF LAWMAKERS

Illinois Policy Institute/ Joe Tabor

Illinois’ legislative inspector general investigates complaints against state lawmakers, but a commission of their peers can – and did – bury those findings, the former inspector said. A new bill would change that.

On Feb. 6, former Legislative Inspector General Julie Porter testified that her office was muzzled by a panel of state lawmakers it was tasked with overseeing.

“Although I completed dozens of investigations without incident, in some significant matters, when I did find wrongdoing and sought to publish it, state legislators charged with serving on the Legislative Ethics Commission blocked me,” she testified at a hearing of the Joint Commission on Ethics and Lobbying Reform.

For the past year, a massive federal corruption probe has exposed public corruption in the Illinois General Assembly, leading to indictments against two state senators and a representative.

Two bodies – the Legislative Ethics Commission, or LEC, and the Office of the Legislative Inspector General, or LIG – are charged with holding members of the Illinois General Assembly accountable for ethics violations. But the structure of the commission and the lack of independence given to the inspector general leave the process opaque. That makes it look like lawmakers protect their own.



In addition to refusing to publish a summary report in which she had found wrongdoing by a lawmaker, Porter said she had requested the attorney general file a formal complaint before the LEC on a different matter. However, Porter found the commission had blocked the attorney general’s complaint after she had left office. She also claimed the LEC refused to publish the summary report Porter prepared on the subject that was sent to the attorney general.

Porter decried the fact that these findings remain in the dark.

“But my report and the Attorney General’s complaint should not be secret,” Porter said. “They remain so only because the Legislative Ethics Commission squashed them so that the public could not see what the supposedly independent Inspector General determined to be wrongdoing by a sitting legislator.”

Porter’s testimony illustrates the frustration that comes with the task of investigating the legislature under the current structure. She said had she known then what she knows now, she never would have taken the job because it is a waste of time under the current statute.

But the LIG need not be handcuffed.

Fixing a broken office

The current structure of the ethics commission leaves the appointment of commissioners entirely in the hands of the legislative branch, and all of the current members of the commission are members of the General Assembly.

The LIG could provide more of an outside check on the commission, but the office is hindered by its lack of independence. Under the current process, the lawmakers on the commission can largely grant or deny permission to the LIG to open investigations, to issue subpoenas and to publish summary reports – even if the LIG finds a complaint is founded.

House Bill 4558 would transform the legislative inspector general into a truly independent watchdog.

The bill, introduced by state Rep. Jonathan Carroll, D-Northbrook, would give the Legislative Inspector General more independence from the Legislative Ethics Commission when investigating complaints against the legislature. It would empower the inspector general to open investigations in response to a complaint and issue subpoenas without approval from the lawmakers on the Legislative Ethics Commission.



More importantly, it would allow the legislative inspector general’s office to make summary reports public if its investigations find wrongdoing.

Allegations of sexual harassment are already exempt from needing commission approval to open an investigation. In the wake of the sexual harassment scandal in Springfield, the General Assembly determined the LIG needed independence to show a strong response. But the same level of oversight should apply to all allegations of wrongdoing under the Capitol dome.

The Illinois Executive Inspector General, responsible for investigating the executive branch, can already initiate investigations and issue subpoenas without approval of the Executive Ethics Commission. The LIG should be entrusted with comparable authority, especially when the commission she reports to is made up of eight members of the General Assembly she is charged with investigating.

When allegations against members of the General Assembly are made, it can be difficult for the public to know whether there is any basis. And because the Inspector General has to gain the approval of lawmakers before pursuing investigations or publishing findings, the public might think members will protect their own. Given that the Legislative Ethics Commission needs five of eight members to agree to take any official action, four members on a party-line vote can block the LIG.

By granting the Legislative Inspector General more authority to act independently, members of the General Assembly can relieve some of these concerns.

The Inspector General needs the authority to open investigations in response to complaints, to issue subpoenas in the course of those investigations and to publish summary reports in the case of a finding of wrongdoing. The public will gain more faith that corruption will be exposed if and where it exists, rather than buried by politicians watching out for their buddies.

Illinois’ jobs market performance severely lagged the national average during 2019, growing at nearly half the rate of the rest of the nation, according to new data released by the Illinois Department of Employment Security in conjunction with the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

[

to top of second column]

While Gov. J.B. Pritzker’s administration touted 2019 as a success for jobs, Illinois’ jobs market continued to struggle during the governor’s first year in office.

During the year, preliminary December 2019 data shows that Illinois:

  • Added 45,000 nonfarm payroll jobs for an increase of 0.7%, the slowest growth rate in the first year of any Illinois governor’s elected term since Rod Blagojevich in 2007

  • Added jobs at the 32nd fastest rate in the nation (38th when not counting the public sector)

  • Underperformed the national median in nearly every sector, actually shed jobs in five of 11 sectors and failed to grow the state’s labor force

  • Ended the year with an unemployment rate higher than most neighboring states

One of the growth sectors was government employment, adding 13,400 jobs in 2019 to earn Illinois its highest ranking at No. 5 in the nation. But recent history makes clear that increased government spending and payrolls are not the solution to Illinois’ weak economy.

Large increases in state spending during the past 20 years have failed to improve Illinois’ economic performance compared with other states. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, Illinois has increased per capita total state spending by 46% after adjusting for inflation. That’s 35% faster than the national average. Meanwhile, real per capita personal income in Illinois has only grown by 18%, a rate 21% slower than the national average.

Instead, the state needs to stop fostering government jobs and pursue policies that promote a healthy environment for private sector jobs to grow.

Jobs growth sluggish in 2019

Illinois’ sluggish economy added jobs at the 32nd-worst rate in the nation. Making matters worse, when you remove the public sector gains, Illinois’ performance falls even farther, ranking 38th for private sector jobs growth during the year. Overall, 2019 showed lackluster performance in nearly every industry.

 

By the end of 2019, eight of the 11 sectors of Illinois’ economy had lagged the national median in terms of jobs growth, and five out of the state’s 11 sectors had actually experienced job losses during the year. The strongest performance compared with other states came from the government sector, which in Illinois grew at the fifth-fastest rate in the nation.

Robust growth in the public sector is likely part of the reason growth in the private sector has been less pronounced, as government contracts have been shown to reduce other employment opportunities in Illinois.

The state’s losses were felt by the following sectors: Mining, down 600 jobs (-7.7%); Information shed 700 jobs (-0.8%); Construction saw payrolls depleted by 1,200 (-0.5%); Trade, Transportation & Utilities lost 4,600 jobs (-0.4%); and Manufacturing shed 1,900 jobs (-0.3%).

Meanwhile, of the industries that gained jobs, the strongest performance came in the Leisure and Hospitality sector which added 16,900 jobs (+2.7%). Following up that performance was the Educational and Health sector growing payrolls by 17,100 (+1.8%); Government expanded by 13,400 positions (+1.6%); Other Services added 3,800 jobs (+1.5%); Financial Activities grew payrolls by 1,800 (+0.4%); while Professional and Business Services added 1,000 jobs (+0.1%) during the year.

Unemployment rate dropping due to workforce dropout, not Illinoisans finding jobs

While Illinois’ 2019 performance lagged most other states, the state’s total jobs growth was tied with neighboring Kentucky and Missouri – all up 0.7% for the year – and ahead of all other neighbors. Unfortunately, the relatively strong jobs growth compared with neighboring states hasn’t translated into lower unemployment rates than neighboring states or the national average of 3.5%.

While the decline in unemployment rates across the nation during the economic recovery has been due to job creation, Illinois has not had the same experience. Illinois’ decline in unemployment rate since 2007 has been due entirely to more Illinoisans exiting the labor force, not job creation. In fact, relative to 2007, Illinois has actually shed nearly 120,000 jobs (-1.9%) and the unemployment rate has only fallen because even more Illinoisans – 243,000 (-3.6%) – have left the labor force altogether.

If Illinois’ labor force were the same size as it was in 2007, the state would have an unemployment rate of 7.2%. That would be higher than the December 2007 rate of 5.4% and nearly double the current unemployment rate.

Labor force

A key component for job creation and a thriving state economy is a growing labor force. Labor force growth assures businesses looking to invest in a state that there will be a growing pool of workers from which they can pull talent and a larger consumer base for their products. It also bolsters the housing market, which is closely linked to the health of the labor market. Unfortunately, Illinois also performed poorly when it came to growing the state’s labor force. In 2019, the state’s labor force was essentially stagnant, adding fewer than 10,000 (+0.1%) potential employees to the workforce, among the worst performance in the nation.
 

Click here to respond to the editor about this article

< Recent commentaries

Back to top