Senate's McConnell keeps cool in heated Trump impeachment trial
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[January 20, 2020]
By Richard Cowan and Susan Cornwell
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. President
Donald Trump's impeachment trial, which begins next week, may pose one
of the greatest political challenges Senate Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell has faced in more than three decades in Congress. As usual, he
is showing little sign of the pressure.
McConnell, the top Republican in Congress, says America's founders
created the Senate for moments such as this, to block the "factional
fevers" and "runaway passions" of the House of Representatives.
The reserved Senate leader, who represents Trump-friendly Kentucky,
views with contempt the allegations by the Democratic-controlled House
that the Republican president abused his power.
McConnell says there is no chance Trump will be convicted on charges
that also include obstructing a congressional investigation into his
conduct. The House formally impeached Trump on Dec. 18 and last week
sent the two accusations to the Senate for trial.
Just hours before the 100 senators were to be sworn in as jurors in that
trial, McConnell said the Senate would tame the House's unruly Democrats
and "put aside animal reflexes and animosity" in order to "cooly
consider" the charges.
McConnell is walking a dangerous high wire: He has openly demonstrated
he will work to protect Trump, which could help his own re-election in
November. But political crosswinds push him to simultaneously give
moderate Republican senators -- some also up for re-election this year
-- the leeway to at least consider having witness testimony that could
damage Trump.
How McConnell handles this challenge could help determine whether
Republicans maintain their Senate majority - and he keeps his position
as majority leader - in November. In any case, all sides are likely to
assign him much of the credit or blame for how the trial proceeds.
That is unlikely to faze him, colleagues say.
"I don't know any human being, anywhere, that deals with pressure better
than Mitch McConnell," said Senator Kevin Cramer, a Republican.
A shrewd negotiator who plays hardball politics at a level unusual even
by Washington standards, McConnell is a self-proclaimed "Grim Reaper"
who prides himself on blocking Democratic initiatives.
When McConnell takes a stand, he is difficult to budge, said Dick
Durbin, the Senate's number-two Democrat.
"He only moves if he's personally concerned about his own re-election or
the election of his majority," Durbin told reporters last month, noting,
"2020's an election year."
First elected in 1984, McConnell easily won his last campaign in 2014
but could face a stiff challenge this year.
As one-half of a Washington power couple (McConnell's wife, Elaine Chao,
serves as Trump's secretary of transportation), the senator says he is
working in "total coordination" with the White House in preparing for
the trial.
The Trump-McConnell relationship was not always a smooth one.
In 2017, after the Senate failed to repeal major elements of the
Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare, Trump tweeted, "Can you
believe that Mitch McConnell, who has screamed Repeal & Replace for 7
years, couldn't get it done."
Now, Trump, 73, and McConnell, 77, say they speak regularly.
On the surface, the six-term senator and Trump could not be more
different.
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U.S. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) faces reporters
with fellow Senate Republicans following their weekly policy lunch
on Capitol Hill in Washington, U.S., January 7, 2020. REUTERS/Leah
Millis/File Photo
Trump, a former reality television star and businessman, rarely
misses opportunities to boast about himself and attack opponents.
The laconic McConnell eschews social media, can be hard-pressed to
make small talk, sometimes sits silent in meetings, according to
those who have attended, and can repel reporters' questions by
refusing to utter a syllable.
"As he sometimes says, he likes to allow himself the luxury of the
unexpressed thought," said Rohit Kumar, who worked for McConnell
from 2007-2013 and was a deputy chief of staff.
Trump and McConnell do share some traits. Both have seized key
moments to flex their muscles in ways that opponents say unduly
stretches the bounds of their powers.
Trump, for example, funded construction of some parts of the
U.S.-Mexico border wall by taking money dedicated to other programs,
an unusual step taken in defiance of Congress.
In 2016, McConnell enraged Democrats by refusing to consider
then-President Barack Obama's choice of federal Judge Merrick
Garland to serve on the Supreme Court after the death of
conservative Justice Antonin Scalia. Had Garland been confirmed by
the Republican-controlled Senate, he would have tipped the court in
a liberal direction.
For all his doggedness, Democrats think McConnell can at times be
pressured into bending. Speaking on the Senate floor last year after
being dubbed "Moscow Mitch" by some critics for his refusal to allow
additional election security funding, McConnell said: "This
modern-day McCarthyism is toxic." Shortly afterward, the extra funds
flowed through the Senate.
Kumar said McConnell's taciturn style, punctuated by silences, can
force those sitting across the negotiating table to fill the
uncomfortable void by tipping their hands.
People are "endlessly vexed by McConnell's patrician, silent nature.
He doesn't need to fill the silence with his own voice," Kumar said.
McConnell has had frosty relations with Senate Democratic Leader
Chuck Schumer and his predecessor, Harry Reid.
One former senior Senate Democratic aide said that when Reid and
McConnell were thrown together, conversation about baseball was the
only safe territory for two men who never established a good working
relationship.
McConnell and Schumer served in the Senate during Bill Clinton's
1999 impeachment trial - McConnell voted to convict the Democratic
president; Schumer voted to acquit.
So far, these two experienced hands, operating in arguably the most
partisan atmosphere in U.S. political history, have not found a way
to tame the "factional fevers" raging over Trump's impeachment.
(Reporting by Susan Cornwell and Richard Cowan; Editing by Andy
Sullivan and Daniel Wallis)
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