'It's up to us': how Merkel and Macron revived EU
solidarity
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[May 20, 2020] By
John Chalmers and Gabriela Baczynska
BRUSSELS (Reuters) - It took a courtroom of
scarlet-robed judges to spur Angela Merkel to make one of her boldest
moves in 15 years as German chancellor: propose huge cash handouts to
the European Union's weaker economies.
Merkel was already worried about the future of the Union after the
coronavirus pandemic struck Europe in February, triggering a wave of
deaths and crippling lockdowns.
But it was Germany's own Constitutional Court that tipped her hand,
sources said. Its bombshell ruling on May 5 challenged the EU's reliance
on European Central Bank (ECB) money-printing to keep its weaker
members' economies afloat - and the EU's governance.
Until then, Merkel had opposed a proposal by French President Emmanuel
Macron for a Recovery Fund that would, for the first time, bind all 27
member states to raise debt jointly.
"Initially they were on quite different positions," said one senior
diplomat. "They reviewed the risk of a split in the EU. But then the
Constitutional Court decision came and Merkel ... said: 'It's up to us,
the governments'."
A series of video calls between Merkel and Macron led to a plan for the
European Commission, the EU executive, to borrow 500 billion euros ($550
billion) as common debt and transfer it to the regions and industries
hit hardest.
It would be a top-up to the EU's 2021-2027 budget, already close to 1
trillion euros.
Diplomats in Brussels, Paris and Berlin familiar with the discussions
said Merkel had dropped Germany's long-held opposition to mutualising
debt to fund other member states - when it became clear the EU itself
was in peril.
The court ruling in effect put the onus on EU governments themselves to
fund any fiscal response.
European leaders agree that, if they fail to rescue economies now in
freefall, they risk something worse than the debt crisis 10 years ago -
which exposed faultlines, fanned euroscepticism and almost blew up the
eurozone.
UNION IN NAME ONLY?
The pandemic has derailed the recovery of the EU's most indebted
countries. Italy's debt is shooting towards 170% of national output,
Greece is losing gains wrung from years of belt-tightening and, across
the south, a collapse in tourism threatens millions of jobs.
[to top of second column] |
German Chancellor Angela Merkel holds a joint video news conference
with French President Emmanuel Macron in Berlin, Germany, May 18,
2020. Kay Nietfeld/Pool via REUTERS/File Photo
Surely the moment for the Union to live up to its name.
But members' initial slowness to share medical equipment, and readiness to close
their borders, seemed to demonstrate Brussels' irrelevance when national
interests are at stake.
Divisions erupted at an all-night videoconference of EU leaders on March 27 as
fiscally conservative northern countries resisted pressure from a "Club Med"
group to raise a splurge of mutual EU debt to tackle the effects of the
pandemic.
Finance ministers agreed on April 9 to an EU-wide rescue plan worth half a
trillion euros, but it was too little to fund long-term recovery, and the feud
festered on. Berlin insisted any recovery plan must consist of short-term,
repayable loans.
Then Merkel and Macron began talking.
"Merkel became increasingly aware that it was making Europe look really bad,"
said an EU official familiar with Macron and Merkel's consultations with the
Commission.
Just when it seemed that this latest in a series of traumas, from sovereign debt
crisis to a chaotic wave of migration to Brexit, could finally tear the bloc
apart, the deal hints that the two founder members can still provide the EU's
steady core.
It may also boost Macron's standing and his vision of more integration as Merkel
ends her long tenure.
The Commission, which presents its own proposal on May 27, warmly welcomed the
initiative, but the deal is not yet done.
To pass, it needs backing from all 27 capitals, and Austria's leader has already
said that he, along with the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden, will offer only
loans, not grants.
(Additional reporting by Michel Rose in Paris and by Andreas Rinke in Berlin;
Editing by Kevin Liffey)
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