Democrats blame gerrymandering, campaign strategy for failure to flip
state legislatures
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[November 06, 2020]
By Sharon Bernstein and Peter Szekely
SACRAMENTO, Calif. (Reuters) - Democrats
spent $50 million trying to win control of state legislatures in 2020,
but the effort mostly failed, cementing regional power in their more
conservative Republican opponents over such issues as abortion,
education and criminal justice.
The losses also mean that in most of the 29 states with
Republican-controlled legislatures, Democrats will not have a say in how
Congressional districts are drawn when the once-a-decade process kicks
off in 2021. That will make it more difficult for voters in more liberal
areas of those states to elect their party's candidates to both the
House of Representatives and statehouses for another 10 years.
"There needs to be a reckoning for Democrats, because we are losing
these down-ballot races," said a Texas Democratic strategist who
requested anonymity in order to speak frankly.
The Democrats' stagnation at the state level came despite massive
turnout that flipped at least two states' choices for president from
Republican Donald Trump to Democrat Joe Biden, as vote-counting
continued in several states before a presidential winner could be
declared.
In Texas, party officials plan a post-mortem to determine what went
wrong, said the strategist, who is familiar with the thinking of party
leaders.
"The Biden brand didn't help us down-ballot," he said.
Biden lost to Trump in Texas, and the legislature stayed firmly in
Republican hands despite years of demographic change benefitting
Democrats.
TARGETED EIGHT STATEHOUSES
Democrats had targeted eight statehouses across the country. But with
the possible exception of Arizona, where ballots were still being
counted on Thursday, they failed to make inroads.
In Georgia, where a razor-thin margin separated Biden and Trump,
Democrats were poised to pick up a couple of seats but not enough to
gain a majority. In North Carolina, Democrats lost a few seats and
Republicans held on to their majority.
Dave Abrams, who helped manage the Republicans' state-level efforts,
said the mistake Democrats made was having candidates run on national
issues, including healthcare, the coronavirus and President Donald
Trump.
"The reality is that people vote on local issues, especially at the
state level," said Abrams, who is deputy executive director of the
Republican State Leadership Committee.
The 2020 elections are unlikely to alter the parties' representational
balance in U.S. state houses, where Republicans began with 52% of 7,383
state legislative seats, said Ben Williams, a policy specialist with the
National Conference of State Legislatures.
Since the Republican sweep of 2010 when the party picked up 20
legislative chambers, Democrats have taken back control of 17 of them,
including some, such as the New Hampshire State House, that have swung
back and forth, he said.
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People line up outside a polling station during the Election Day in
Houston, Texas, November 3, 2020. REUTERS/Go Nakamura
A major reason for Democrats' struggle to make inroads is partisan
gerrymandering that has cemented Republican majorities in states
including Texas and Georgia where demographic change appears to
favor Democrats but districts are drawn to favor Republicans, said
Eric McGhee, a senior fellow at the Public Policy Institute of
California.
He cited Georgia, North Carolina and Wisconsin as states where most
districts are drawn so favorably to Republicans it would take a
particularly large change in local sentiment or demographics to
elect Democrats.
In Texas, he said, districts are generally drawn in a way that
favors the incumbent, whether Democrat or Republican, which has the
effect of cementing Republican control.
'TRUMP ONLY REPUBLICANS'
Jessica Post, who headed the Democrats' state-level coordinating
efforts, said an influx of Trump loyalists at the polls and
Republican-drawn district maps in many states made it difficult for
the party to gain ground.
"They were really drawn with strategic data to make sure that we
could not flip these state legislative chambers," said Post,
president of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee (DLCC).
While the post-election data is still incomplete, Post also suspects
the high turnout sparked by the presidential election brought in a
wave of "Trump-only Republicans" whose party-line votes helped
Republicans near the bottom of the ballots.
In addition to turnout and favorable district boundaries, many local
representatives were re-elected because of the very nature of local
politics - voters tend to like and keep their representatives even
when they vote for someone of a different party at the presidential
level, said political scientist Charles Bullock, a professor at the
University of Georgia.
In addition, he said, Republicans in Georgia in 2020 had a better
ground game than Democrats, encouraging supporters to go to the
polls for local candidates as well as Trump.
"They were out door-knocking and doing the traditional things where
the Democrats were hesitant to do so because of the coronavirus,"
Bullock said.
Republican attacks on Democrats as "socialist" or anti-police may
have had an impact on some voters as well, particularly in rural
areas, although such messages were probably less effective in urban
and suburban neighborhoods, he said.
(Reporting by Sharon Bernstein in Sacramento, Calif., and Peter
Szekely in New York; editing by Bill Tarrant and Richard Pullin)
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