Biden may face pressure to reshape Powell's Fed in first year
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[November 10, 2020] By
Howard Schneider
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - U.S. monetary policy
won't be a top-of-mind concern for President-elect Joe Biden as he
prepares to take office in January, with the Federal Reserve's economic
arsenal already deployed against an ongoing recession and decisions
about federal spending more pressing for the next administration.
But over his first year in office Biden will have to decide how deep an
imprint he wants to put on the U.S. central bank, and particularly
whether Fed Chair Jerome Powell's push this year to refocus it on job
growth has earned enough credibility among Democrats to be reappointed.
Among the considerations the incoming Democratic president will have to
weigh are likely calls from progressives for more extensive change at
the Fed, given that the party's platform included reforms to make the
Fed more attentive to issues like racial wealth inequality, and whether
Powell is the right figure to pursue that.
Opposition to Powell may also arise from those who want tougher
financial regulation. Democratic U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren, now a
key voice on financial regulatory issues, opposed his nomination in
2018.
As he balances the varying demands of those who brought him to office,
Biden may want to put his own stamp on the central bank when Powell's
term as Fed chief ends in Feb. 2022, said Vincent Reinhart, a former Fed
official who is now Mellon's chief economist, noting the Democrats'
extensive cadre of economic policy experts.
Among them, current Fed Governor Lael Brainard has been mentioned as a
possibility to replace Powell or become the next U.S. Treasury
secretary; Atlanta Fed President Raphael Bostic, the first Black to run
one of the Fed's regional branches, has become an influential voice
within the Fed system on issues of economic fairness, and during Biden's
years as vice president was an assistant secretary at the Department of
Housing and Urban Development.
NOMINEE OF LEAST RESISTANCE
Still, Powell won't be without strengths when the issue of his future
comes up. He has been a steadying hand at the central bank who not only
managed a forceful Fed response to the coronavirus pandemic, but
survived a tumultuous relationship with Republican President Donald
Trump in part by building support among both Democrats and Republicans
in Congress.
If Republicans keep control of the Senate, and thus over confirmation of
Biden's appointees, those alliances could be an asset for Powell, a
67-year-old Republican cut from the same moderate, bipartisan cloth as
the president-elect, and a well-known figure in institutional
Washington. Two run-off elections in Georgia in January will determine
which party controls the Senate.
Powell "would be the nominee of least resistance," if Republicans do
maintain control of the Senate, Cornerstone Macro analyst Roberto Perli
wrote recently.
Even beyond those dynamics, Powell has delivered what is arguably one of
the most significant reforms to U.S. monetary policy since former Fed
chief Paul Volcker redirected the central bank in the late 1970s and
early 1980s to fight inflation. In Powell's case, it involved recasting
the Fed as a job promoter first and an inflation fighter second.
[to top of second column] |
U.S. President-elect Joe Biden speaks to reporters about efforts to
confront the coronavirus diisease (COVID-19) pandemic after meeting
with members of his "Transition COVID-19 Advisory Board" in
Wilmington, Delaware, U.S., November 9, 2020. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst
The rollout of the Fed's new framework drew praise from progressive economists,
union officials and others over the summer, including top Biden economic adviser
Jared Bernstein, who called the new approach "music to my ears."
VICE CHAIR APPOINTMENTS
Terms for the Fed's two vice chairs, Richard Clarida and Randal Quarles, will
also expire during Biden's first year. Clarida is a respected economist who
managed the shift in Fed policy during a nearly two-year review. Quarles, as the
Fed's vice chair for supervision, may be the least likely of the three to be
asked to stay on if the Biden administration pursues the tougher oversight
sought by Warren and others.
Trump has two appointments to the Fed's seven-member board of governors pending
before the Senate, but it is not clear whether they will be confirmed in the
lame-duck session that will end in early January when a new Congress convenes.
If not, then Biden would have those openings to fill as well.
Beyond personnel, Biden will face choices over whether and how to have the Fed
build criteria such as racial wealth and employment outcomes into its analysis,
something Powell and other policymakers like Bostic have moved towards on their
own.
In an email supporting the Fed's new framework, Bernstein said he still felt
changes to the Federal Reserve Act were warranted "for when someone with
Powell's sensibility isn't leading the show."
Changes to the Fed's governing statute would be less likely with a
Republican-controlled Senate, a constraint that may bind many of Biden's
ambitions.
EMERGENCY PROGRAMS
And there may be one short-term hitch with the Fed for Biden to address.
Many of the emergency lending facilities the central bank established this year
to fight the current crisis are due to expire on Dec. 31, and any
reauthorization would require the approval of the outgoing Trump administration.
Fed officials feel those programs have helped markets operate normally through a
historic downturn, and if Trump refuses to approve their extension it could be a
source of trouble at least for the weeks until Biden takes office.
At a press conference last week held before Biden's victory in the Nov. 3
election became clear, Powell said the Fed was "just turning to this issue now
and we have not made any decisions" about whether the economy is ready to do
without the emergency measures credited with stopping a full-blown financial
crisis last spring.
(Reporting by Howard Schneider; Editing by Dan Burns and Paul Simao)
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