So far this year, industry-run political action committees (PACs)
have divided about $13 million between the two major U.S. political
parties, with 54% to Republicans and 46% to Democrats, according to
data from the Center for Responsive Politics (CRP) reviewed by
Reuters.
That is a stark shift from 2016, when nearly two thirds of industry
campaign donations went to Republicans. The industry moved less
dramatically toward Democrats in 2018 during the congressional
elections.
Senior pharmaceutical executives lean Republican, while workers'
donations skew toward Democrats and largely supported Democratic
presidential challenger Joe Biden, data shows. Biden leads
Republican President Donald Trump in national opinion polls in the
last week before next Tuesday's election.
The industry-level shift, based on support from non-profit political
action committees affiliated with drug companies, funded by
employees and directed by executives and staff, reflects a consensus
that Democrats will expand their hold on the House of
Representatives and may gain control of the Senate.
Pharma companies aim to build close relationships with politicians
who are likely to be in power, and usually avoid presidential races
and close congressional campaigns, said an industry executive who
was not authorized to speak publicly.
He and other industry sources said drugmakers were aiming to head
off efforts by Democrats to slash drug prices paid by Medicare, a
government-run health insurance program for seniors, industry
sources said.
“They are interested in funding whoever they think might win,” said
David Gartner, professor of law at Arizona State University who
focuses on U.S. healthcare policy.
That may mean contributing to lawmakers who disagree with the
industry.
A plan earlier this year that was stymied by Senate Republicans
would have reduced pharma revenues from Medicare by more than $300
billion by the end of the decade, the Congressional Budget Office
calculated.
Trump, in a departure from his party, has issued several executive
orders meant to cut drug prices, but experts say their impact will
be limited by legal and other problems and that a Democratic
Congress could mount a more serious challenge.
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SHIFT IN SUPPORT
The biggest pharma PAC donations so far this year have come from Pfizer Inc,
Amgen Inc, Abbvie Inc and Johnson & Johnson, which all shifted support toward
Democrats between 2016 and 2020, records show. Pfizer’s change was the most
dramatic, giving 63% of its funds to Republicans in 2016 and 51% in 2020.
In the 2018 election cycle, in which Democrats took control of the House, some
57% of the industry’s more than $17 million in donations went to Republicans.
Industry PACs leaned Republican during each federal election in the past eight
years by varying margins, political donation data shows.
Pharma industry employees, who are concentrated in Democratic-leaning hubs
including California, Massachusetts and New York, consistently tilt Democratic.
They are supporting Biden at a rate of about 4 to 1 or roughly $6 million to
$1.5 million in donations, data show.
Top executives, however, lean Republican. A Reuters review of top pharma
executives showed a nearly 2-1 split in favor of Republicans, with more than
$150,000 going to Republicans and around $75,000 to Democrats. Individual
donations tend to reflect personal political leanings, experts said.
A broader measure of individual donations that covers the entire healthcare
industry and includes donations to super PACs, which can take unlimited funds
and often attract wealthy donors, shows Trump receiving about $60 million to
Biden's $54 million, according to CRP data.
There are broad concerns that the Trump administration is inserting political
issues into regulatory decisions, which could indirectly hurt the drug
industry's reputation.
But Aaron Kesselheim, a Harvard Medical School specialist in U.S. healthcare
policy, said: “I don’t really think that has much to do with political
donations, which are trying to curry favor with the party that seems to be
ascendant."
(Reporting by Carl O'Donnell; Editing by Peter Henderson and Peter Cooney)
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