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		Analysis: Can Joe Biden recreate the U.S. economy he grew up with?
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		 [April 01, 2021]  By 
		Howard Schneider 
 WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Joe Biden will 
		almost certainly be the last U.S. president born as a member of the 
		"silent generation" demographic group who were children during World War 
		Two, came of age in an economic boom that built middle class wealth, and 
		cemented the role of the United States as the world's leading industrial 
		power.
 
 Over the latter half of his life, Biden, 78, saw the share of national 
		wealth going to that middle class fall and the gains from U.S. growth 
		concentrate in a handful of regions. Now, with a roughly $2 trillion 
		investment package unveiled on Wednesday, Biden wants to reverse that 
		half century trend and steer capital to neglected people and parts of 
		the country.
 
 Democrat Biden's jobs and infrastructure plan and the corporate tax 
		increase to help pay for it, contrasts with the deference to private 
		markets begun by Republicans with Ronald Reagan's election in 1980, and 
		nursed through rounds of tax cuts and deregulation, by both parties.
 
 Whether it was Bill Clinton’s moves to reduce social welfare and 
		deregulate the financial sector, or Barack Obama’s hesitance to "go big" 
		on spending in the last recession, there has been a reluctance by both 
		parties to intervene too deeply for decades.
 
		
		 
		
 Rural and Rust Belt America faded and there was little progress on 
		bridging the wealth gaps between Black and white.
 
 Biden's plan harkens to the Democratic leaders of his young adult years 
		in the 1960s - President John Kennedy’s aspirational focus on public 
		ventures such as the moon landing, or Lyndon Johnson's Great Society 
		push to strengthen the social safety net. It also echoes President 
		Dwight Eisenhower's 1956 act for the government to mostly pay for 
		building Interstate Highways.
 
 "I am struck by the scale, the structure," MIT economics professor Simon 
		Johnson said of Biden's plan. "They seem to have taken on board the idea 
		that you can boost productivity, boost growth, and spread it around the 
		country," with the right public investments.
 
 EPIC BATTLE LOOMS
 
 The battle over the legislation in the U.S. Congress is expected to be 
		epic.
 
 Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader, suggested on Wednesday 
		that any bill Democrats propose may be a "Trojan horse for a massive tax 
		increase." Republicans have said they won't support Democratic efforts 
		to inject goals like stopping climate change or equality into a spending 
		bill.
 
 The proposal follows the more than $5 billion committed over the last 
		year to fighting the coronavirus, much of it used for direct payments to 
		families and the unemployed.
 
 The scars from the pandemic may run deep, and the proposed pipeline of 
		federal dollars into communities, technology research, and job 
		generating building projects are a way to keep the healing underway, 
		according to the administration.
 
 Many ideas in the plan have been percolating in universities and other 
		institutions for years.
 
 Johnson, for example, argued in a 2019 book that private capital will 
		never fully substitute for government investment in things like new 
		utility networks or complicated basic research.
 
		 
		The Biden approach is arguably distinct in the breadth of what it wants 
		to confront in one fell swoop – from deficiencies in child care services 
		to electric vehicle charging stations – and in its diagnosis of what's 
		needed.
 The demographic and economic decline of small towns and many mid-sized 
		cities has been underway for decades under Democratic and Republican 
		presidents even as the rhetoric of both promised to reverse it.
 
		
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			U.S. President Joe Biden speaks about his $2 trillion infrastructure 
			plan during an event to tout the plan at Carpenters Pittsburgh 
			Training Center in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, U.S., March 31, 2021. 
			REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst/File Photo 
            
			 
The share of U.S. GDP paid to wages and salaries has declined as well, which 
many economists believe contributes to rising inequality.
 GRAPHIC: Labor share in decline -
https://graphics.reuters.com/USA-ECONOMY/SPENDING/
 ygdpzgorqvw/chart.png
 
 Biden wants to put the public purse behind that promise with both infrastructure 
programs and funding for research hubs to try to level the playing field between 
middle America and the San Franciscos and Bostons of the world.
 
Decades ago, the United States used to spend 2% of its GDP on research and 
development, Biden noted in a speech on Wednesday. That figure is now less than 
1%, even as other countries have increased investment.
 "We’ve fallen back," he said. "The rest of the world is closing in and closing 
in fast. We can’t less this continue.”
 
GRAPHIC: U.S. government R&D spending -
https://graphics.reuters.com/USA-ECONOMY/SPENDING/ygdpzgoqqvw/chart.png
 
 The plan "represents a major effort to tackle the country's widening geographic 
inequalities ... It shows an understanding of how infrastructure can create 
access and opportunity - or wall it off," said Kenan Fikri, research director of 
the bipartisan Economic Innovation Group.
 
 The gap in wealth between Blacks and whites has shown little progress over the 
past 30 years, regardless that 16 of them were with Democrats in the White 
House.
 
 GRAPHIC: White household wealth vs Black and Latino -
https://graphics.reuters.com/USA-ECONOMY/SPENDING/
 qzjpqlzxbvx/chart.png
 
 
 The Biden proposal aims investment at Black communities, including those 
affected by port pollution or other environmental blight, and industries with a 
large proportion of Black workers.
 
 AN UNLIKELY RADICAL
 
 Biden, on the surface, is an unlikely figure to push such a radical shift in 
federal policy. He first took public office in 1970, the year that U.S. workers' 
share of national income peaked. He had a long career working from the very 
Democratic center he is now looking to transform, supporting bank-friendly bills 
that drew criticism on the campaign trail.
 
 But he became president in a year when the arguments against government 
intervention he heard as a senator and as a vice president under Obama seem to 
have run their course.
 
 Some of Biden's old colleagues, including Democratic economists such as Lawrence 
Summers, say Biden is off base.
 
 In comments on the stimulus plan in February, Summers acknowledged there was 
"tremendous suffering" but said "this goes way beyond what is necessary."
 
 Others say it is time to give the more liberal wing of the party, dormant for 
decades, time to make their case once again - and are pushing Biden to go even 
farther.
 
 "This is not nearly enough," said Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democratic 
congresswoman from New York.
 
 (Reporting by Howard Schneider; Editing by Heather Timmons and Grant McCool)
 
				 
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