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		Analysis: Brazil's Bolsonaro seeks police support before elections with 
		reshuffle
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		 [April 01, 2021] 
		By Gabriel Stargardter 
 RIO DE JANEIRO (Reuters) - President Jair 
		Bolsonaro rattled Brazilian politics and irked military commanders with 
		a major cabinet reshuffle this week but one powerful constituency is 
		thrilled: the police have one of their own running the Justice Ministry.
 
 By picking a cop, rather than a lawyer or civil servant, Bolsonaro sent 
		a clear message on law and order in turbulent times, said Wellington 
		Corsino, who leads an association of 134,000 state military police 
		officers.
 
 "It's great to have a president who is concerned with public security at 
		this time of disturbance, at a moment of political, social and economic 
		instability," said Corsino. "Few presidents have taken care of police 
		officers like he has."
 
 The move reflects the former army captain's deep affinity for the 
		uniformed rank-and-file and a calculation to pull Brazil's large police 
		forces, which include some of the most deadly units in the world, closer 
		as his presidency skates into a dangerous new phase, according to 
		observers.
 
		
		 
		
 The pandemic in Brazil is spiraling out of control. Threats of 
		impeachment are circling. Bolsonaro's leftist arch-rival is menacing his 
		re-election effort next year. So the far-right populist is shoring up 
		the loyalty of security forces as insurance against unrest, say some 
		analysts.
 
 The president's move to put his former chief of staff in charge of the 
		Defense Ministry and swap all three commanders of the armed forces was 
		met with shock from senior military officers, but relations with the 
		police look better than ever.
 
 With Anderson Torres, a federal police officer close to the Bolsonaro 
		family, now in charge of the Justice Ministry, the president can keep a 
		closer eye on the federal police, jails and a national public security 
		force. He also ensures a direct line of communication to some 560,000 
		state police and firemen whose politics are broadly aligned with his 
		own, surveys show.
 
 Those half a million uniformed men and women have proven to be a potent 
		political force, and no recent Brazilian president has played to their 
		sympathies like Bolsonaro.
 
 Last year, during a fatal police strike in the leftist-run northeastern 
		state of Ceara, Bolsonaro declined to criticize the striking cops, who 
		were demanding higher salaries.
 
 DEMOCRATIC RISKS
 
 Bolsonaro's critics fret that his support of state police forces, who 
		answer to state governors, could pose democratic risks at a time of 
		growing political tensions in Latin America's biggest nation.
 
 Human rights groups and opposition lawmakers have long criticised 
		Brazil's police over the use of fatal force. Rio de Janeiro state police 
		killed 1,245 people in 2020.
 
 "Bolsonaro would not need the military for a coup if he can count on the 
		unconditional support of the military police. He could make rival-run 
		states politically ungovernable," said Ignacio Cano, a public security 
		expert at the Rio de Janeiro State University.
 
 Brazil's presidency declined to comment.
 
 Marlon Jorge Teza, president of another police association, FENEME, said 
		his members support Bolsonaro, but doubted the majority would back him 
		if he refused to accept the 2022 election results. Nonetheless, he 
		acknowledged some might choose to follow the president on such 
		"adventures."
 
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			Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro walks to give a statement about 
			the emergency financial aid by the federal government during 
			coronavirus disease (COVID-19) crisis at the Planalto Palace in 
			Brasilia, Brazil March 31, 2021. REUTERS/Ueslei Marcelino 
            
			 
            "You're going to have isolated groups who will do that, who could do 
			that. Nothing en masse," he said. 
            Since his 2018 election victory, Bolsonaro has made baseless 
			allegations of voter fraud in Brazil, which critics say could lay 
			the groundwork to challenge upcoming elections in the same vein as 
			his political idol, former U.S. President Donald Trump.
 Bolsonaro threw his support behind Trump's conspiracies of a stolen 
			election last year, which culminated in his supporters' deadly Jan. 
			6 assault on the Capitol building in Washington.
 
 In recent months, Bolsonaro has been touting a bill for printed 
			ballots rather than Brazil's modern computer voting.
 
 "If we don't have a paper ballot in 2022 ... we're going to have a 
			worse problem than the United States," Bolsonaro said a day after 
			the Capitol assault.
 
 The proposal has gained urgency since former leftist President Luiz 
			Inacio Lula da Silva's 2018 graft convictions were overturned this 
			month, clearing the way for him to run in next year's vote.
 
 "We're going to have fierce elections, very polarized," said 
			lawmaker Bia Kicis, a close presidential ally pushing the paper 
			voting bill. "The result of the election doesn't have to convince 
			the winner: it has to convince the loser that they lost."
 
 BACKING IN THE BARRACKS
 
 Bolsonaro's ties to security services have deep roots.
 
 In 1986, as a 31-year-old paratrooper, Bolsonaro penned an explosive 
			open letter in a news magazine, bemoaning low pay for him and others 
			in military service. It infuriated senior officers and launched a 
			political career that he largely spent campaigning for better 
			soldier and police salaries.
 
            
			 
			In office, Bolsonaro has sought to boost legal protections for 
			police who kill on the job, while saying criminals should "die like 
			cockroaches."
 The president has also attended dozens of graduation ceremonies for 
			new police and military cadets, often recalling his own days in 
			uniform with open nostalgia for Brazil's 1964-1985 military 
			dictatorship.
 
 "If it depended on me, this wouldn't be the regime that we'd be 
			living under. But despite everything, I represent democracy in 
			Brazil," he told cadets in February, referring to institutions like 
			the Supreme Court which overturned Lula's convictions.
 
 Such broadsides have endeared him to police.
 
 Corsino, the police union chief, said he and his colleagues were 
			outraged by the court's decision.
 
 It sent "a signal that Brazilian justice needs to be changed," he 
			said. "Brazilian citizens have a very strong disgust of the judicial 
			system."
 
 (Reporting by Gabriel Stargardter; Editing by Brad Haynes and 
			Michael Perry)
 
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