Analysis: Brazil's Bolsonaro seeks police support before elections with
reshuffle
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[April 01, 2021]
By Gabriel Stargardter
RIO DE JANEIRO (Reuters) - President Jair
Bolsonaro rattled Brazilian politics and irked military commanders with
a major cabinet reshuffle this week but one powerful constituency is
thrilled: the police have one of their own running the Justice Ministry.
By picking a cop, rather than a lawyer or civil servant, Bolsonaro sent
a clear message on law and order in turbulent times, said Wellington
Corsino, who leads an association of 134,000 state military police
officers.
"It's great to have a president who is concerned with public security at
this time of disturbance, at a moment of political, social and economic
instability," said Corsino. "Few presidents have taken care of police
officers like he has."
The move reflects the former army captain's deep affinity for the
uniformed rank-and-file and a calculation to pull Brazil's large police
forces, which include some of the most deadly units in the world, closer
as his presidency skates into a dangerous new phase, according to
observers.
The pandemic in Brazil is spiraling out of control. Threats of
impeachment are circling. Bolsonaro's leftist arch-rival is menacing his
re-election effort next year. So the far-right populist is shoring up
the loyalty of security forces as insurance against unrest, say some
analysts.
The president's move to put his former chief of staff in charge of the
Defense Ministry and swap all three commanders of the armed forces was
met with shock from senior military officers, but relations with the
police look better than ever.
With Anderson Torres, a federal police officer close to the Bolsonaro
family, now in charge of the Justice Ministry, the president can keep a
closer eye on the federal police, jails and a national public security
force. He also ensures a direct line of communication to some 560,000
state police and firemen whose politics are broadly aligned with his
own, surveys show.
Those half a million uniformed men and women have proven to be a potent
political force, and no recent Brazilian president has played to their
sympathies like Bolsonaro.
Last year, during a fatal police strike in the leftist-run northeastern
state of Ceara, Bolsonaro declined to criticize the striking cops, who
were demanding higher salaries.
DEMOCRATIC RISKS
Bolsonaro's critics fret that his support of state police forces, who
answer to state governors, could pose democratic risks at a time of
growing political tensions in Latin America's biggest nation.
Human rights groups and opposition lawmakers have long criticised
Brazil's police over the use of fatal force. Rio de Janeiro state police
killed 1,245 people in 2020.
"Bolsonaro would not need the military for a coup if he can count on the
unconditional support of the military police. He could make rival-run
states politically ungovernable," said Ignacio Cano, a public security
expert at the Rio de Janeiro State University.
Brazil's presidency declined to comment.
Marlon Jorge Teza, president of another police association, FENEME, said
his members support Bolsonaro, but doubted the majority would back him
if he refused to accept the 2022 election results. Nonetheless, he
acknowledged some might choose to follow the president on such
"adventures."
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Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro walks to give a statement about
the emergency financial aid by the federal government during
coronavirus disease (COVID-19) crisis at the Planalto Palace in
Brasilia, Brazil March 31, 2021. REUTERS/Ueslei Marcelino
"You're going to have isolated groups who will do that, who could do
that. Nothing en masse," he said.
Since his 2018 election victory, Bolsonaro has made baseless
allegations of voter fraud in Brazil, which critics say could lay
the groundwork to challenge upcoming elections in the same vein as
his political idol, former U.S. President Donald Trump.
Bolsonaro threw his support behind Trump's conspiracies of a stolen
election last year, which culminated in his supporters' deadly Jan.
6 assault on the Capitol building in Washington.
In recent months, Bolsonaro has been touting a bill for printed
ballots rather than Brazil's modern computer voting.
"If we don't have a paper ballot in 2022 ... we're going to have a
worse problem than the United States," Bolsonaro said a day after
the Capitol assault.
The proposal has gained urgency since former leftist President Luiz
Inacio Lula da Silva's 2018 graft convictions were overturned this
month, clearing the way for him to run in next year's vote.
"We're going to have fierce elections, very polarized," said
lawmaker Bia Kicis, a close presidential ally pushing the paper
voting bill. "The result of the election doesn't have to convince
the winner: it has to convince the loser that they lost."
BACKING IN THE BARRACKS
Bolsonaro's ties to security services have deep roots.
In 1986, as a 31-year-old paratrooper, Bolsonaro penned an explosive
open letter in a news magazine, bemoaning low pay for him and others
in military service. It infuriated senior officers and launched a
political career that he largely spent campaigning for better
soldier and police salaries.
In office, Bolsonaro has sought to boost legal protections for
police who kill on the job, while saying criminals should "die like
cockroaches."
The president has also attended dozens of graduation ceremonies for
new police and military cadets, often recalling his own days in
uniform with open nostalgia for Brazil's 1964-1985 military
dictatorship.
"If it depended on me, this wouldn't be the regime that we'd be
living under. But despite everything, I represent democracy in
Brazil," he told cadets in February, referring to institutions like
the Supreme Court which overturned Lula's convictions.
Such broadsides have endeared him to police.
Corsino, the police union chief, said he and his colleagues were
outraged by the court's decision.
It sent "a signal that Brazilian justice needs to be changed," he
said. "Brazilian citizens have a very strong disgust of the judicial
system."
(Reporting by Gabriel Stargardter; Editing by Brad Haynes and
Michael Perry)
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