Analysis: China, Pakistan, India jockey for position in Afghanistan's
new Great Game
Send a link to a friend
[August 23, 2021]
By Sanjeev Miglani, Asif Shahzad and Yew Lun Tian
(Reuters) - The Russian and British empires
battled over Afghanistan in the 19th century, and the United States and
the Soviet Union in the 20th. As the Taliban takes over in the
strategic, landlocked nation, the new Great Game has Pakistan in
control, with its ally China looking to cement its grip on the region.
Pakistan has deep ties with the Taliban and has been accused of
supporting the Islamist group as it battled the U.S.-backed government
in Kabul - charges denied by Islamabad. When the Taliban captured Kabul
last week, Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan said Afghans had broken
the "shackles of slavery".
As the Taliban holds discussions to decide on its government model,
media reports have said some Pakistani officials are involved.
A Foreign Office spokesperson in Islamabad said Pakistan wanted an
inclusive political settlement in Afghanistan that ensured peace and
stability in the region but added the "key role remains with the
Afghans".
China, with no previous involvement in Afghanistan but a strong alliance
with Pakistan, has held out an olive branch to the Taliban,
enticed by the country's mineral wealth , including its large reserves
of lithium, a key component for electric vehicles. China is also looking
at the prospect of extra security for its narrow land route through the
Karakoram mountains into Pakistan.
And then there is India - Pakistan's old enemy, which has been locked in
a military standoff with China along their disputed border for more than
a year. India was a key supporter of the ousted regime in Kabul and as
both Pakistan and China become key players in a Taliban-ruled
Afghanistan, New Delhi's nervousness in increasing.
China however says its main aim in reaching out to the Taliban is to
protect its western Xinjiang region from anti-Beijing East Turkestan
Islamic Movement (ETIM) militants, who could seek sanctuary within
Afghanistan.
"While Pakistan might be thinking of leveraging on Afghanistan against
India, this is not necessarily the case for China," said Zhang Li, a
professor of South Asian studies at Sichuan University.
"China's primary concern now is for the Taliban to ... build an
inclusive and moderate regime so that terrorism would not spill over to
Xinjiang and the region. Any other calculus further to that remains to
be seen."
The U.S. government says ETIM no longer exists as a formal organization
and is instead a broad label China uses to oppress a variety of Muslim
ethnic groups, including Uyghurs, in its Xinjiang region. China denies
all accusations of abuse.
China has dangled the prospect of providing the two things the Taliban
needs to govern Afghanistan: diplomatic recognition and much-needed
infrastructure and economic assistance, said Brahma Chellaney, professor
of strategic studies at the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi.
"An opportunistic China is certain to exploit the new opening to make
strategic inroads into mineral-rich Afghanistan and deepen its
penetration of Pakistan, Iran, and Central Asia," he said.
BITTER MEMORIES
There was much cheering in Pakistan over India's discomfiture at the
turn of events, said Raza Ahmad Rumi, a political commentator, who
teaches at Ithaca College in New York. The two countries have fought
three wars since they became independent nations when the subcontinent
was divided in 1947.
"The jubilation in Pakistan witnessed on social media and TV screens was
largely linked to the undoing of Indian influence as conventional policy
circles viewed (Afghan President Ashraf) Ghani's close links with India
as a threat," Rumi said.
[to top of second column]
|
Afghan President Ashraf Ghani speaks at the parliament in Kabul,
Afghanistan August 2, 2021. REUTERS/Stringer
India has bitter memories of the previous Taliban
stint in power from 1996 to 2001 and the group's links to Pakistan.
An Indian Airlines plane was hijacked in 1999 and ultimately landed
in Kandahar in southern Afghanistan. New Delhi freed three senior
Pakistani militants in its jails in exchange for the return of the
passengers and the Taliban allowed the hijackers and the released
prisoners to go to Pakistan.
"Our position today is one of adjusting to reality. We have to play
the long game in Afghanistan. We don't have a contiguous border but
we have stakes there," said Jayant Prasad, a former Indian
ambassador to Kabul.
Over the past year as the Taliban emerged as a dominant force and
U.S.-brokered negotiations began in Doha, Indian diplomats had
opened a line with the group, diplomatic sources in New Delhi said.
"We are talking to all stakeholders," one of them said, but did not
want to get to the specifics of the discussions. There has been
criticism at home that India put all its eggs in the basket of the
Ghani government when the United States itself had begun talks with
the Taliban, and that New Delhi left it too late.
'NOT A RE-RUN'
Still, India as a major economic player can be attractive to the
Taliban, looking to avoid an over-dependence on China, the source
said.
India has development projects in every one of Afghanistan's 34
provinces, small and big, including the parliament building in Kabul
that it built, which was over-run by gun-toting Taliban men after
sweeping into the city last week.
Myra MacDonald, author of three books on South Asia and a former
Reuters journalist, said while the Taliban takeover was a setback
for India, it was not game over for New Delhi.
"This is not a re-run of the past. Everyone is going to be much more
careful this time about letting Islamist terrorism in Afghanistan
explode as in the pre-9/11 days."
"Plus in relative terms, India is much more economically stronger
than Pakistan this time around."
A senior member of the Taliban has told Reuters that impoverished
Afghanistan needs help from countries in the region, including Iran,
as well as the United States and Russia.
"We expect them to help us, to support our people, especially the
health sector and especially the business sector and mining sector,"
said Waheedullah Hashimi, who has access to the group's
decision-making.
"Our job is to convince them to accept us."
(Additional reporting by Gibran Peshiman; Editing by Raju
Gopalakrishnan)
[© 2021 Thomson Reuters. All rights
reserved.] Copyright 2021 Reuters. All rights reserved. This material may not be published,
broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Thompson Reuters is solely responsible for this content.
|