Explainer: Is Trump's post-presidency impeachment trial constitutional?
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[February 09, 2021]
By Jan Wolfe
(Reuters) - The impeachment trial of former
President Donald Trump on a charge of inciting last month's deadly riot
at the U.S. Capitol will begin on Tuesday with arguments over whether
the proceedings are constitutional.
Trump's legal team has argued the trial is improper under the U.S.
Constitution because Trump is now a private citizen, and 45 Senate
Republicans cast votes to that effect on Jan. 26. But many legal experts
disagree, and there are likely not enough votes in the
Democratic-controlled chamber to halt the trial based on that argument.
Is there a consensus on whether Trump’s post-presidency trial is legal?
No, but the majority of experts say it is constitutional to have an
impeachment trial after an official has left office, said Brian Kalt, a
law professor at Michigan State University and leading impeachment
scholar.
Kalt was part of a bipartisan group of roughly 150 lawyers who signed a
letter arguing that Trump can still be convicted in an impeachment
trial.
Signatories of the letter included the co-founder and other members of
the Federalist Society, a legal group that wields influence in
conservative politics.
“We differ from one another in our politics, and we also differ from one
another on issues of constitutional interpretation,” said the Jan. 21
letter. “But despite our differences, our carefully considered views of
the law lead all of us to agree that the Constitution permits the
impeachment, conviction, and disqualification of former officers,
including presidents.”
Charles Cooper, an influential conservative lawyer in Washington,
endorsed their arguments in a recent Wall Street Journal opinion piece.
Other scholars disagree, including J. Michael Luttig, a prominent lawyer
and former federal appeals court judge, and Jonathan Turley, a George
Washington University law professor.
What does the Constitution say?
Under the Constitution, the president “shall be removed from Office on
Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high
Crimes and Misdemeanors.”
In a separate clause, the Constitution says conviction can lead to
“removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office
of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States.”
Removing an official requires a “conviction” by a two-thirds Senate
majority under the Constitution. Under precedent, only a simple majority
is needed for disqualification. Historically, that vote only happens
after a conviction.
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House impeachment managers led by Cheryl Johnson, clerk of the House
of Representatives; and Timothy Blodgett, acting sergeant at Arms of
the House, arrive to deliver an article of impeachment against
former President Donald Trump to the Senate for trial on accusations
of inciting the deadly January 6 attack on the Capitol, at the
Capitol building in Washington, U.S., January 25, 2021. REUTERS/Al
Drago/File Photo
What is the main argument for “late impeachment”?
Many experts believe that presidents who commit misconduct late in
their terms should not be immune from the very process the
Constitution created for holding them accountable.
Since the Constitution makes clear that impeachment proceedings can
result in disqualification from holding future office, there is a
live issue for the Senate to resolve even though Trump is no longer
president, those scholars argue.
What is the argument against holding the trial now?
Luttig has said that the text and purpose of the Constitution make
clear that the Senate’s power is limited to convicting a sitting
president.
Historical texts indicate that the nation’s founders saw impeachment
as a way to remove officials from their jobs so they do not further
harm the country, Luttig and Turley argue.
Trump's lawyers made similar arguments in a pretrial brief on
Monday, saying the Senate "is being asked to do something patently
ridiculous: try a private citizen in a process that is designed to
remove him from an office that he no longer holds."
Is there historical precedent?
There are two instances in which the Senate held impeachment trials
for officials after they had left office — Senator William Blount in
1797 and Secretary of War William Belknap in 1876. Blount’s trial
was halted before the Senate could decide its verdict and Belknap
was acquitted.
Luttig has argued that Congress’ earlier interpretation of its power
is just one factor to consider and does not have the same
significance as a court decision.
(Reporting by Jan Wolfe; Editing by Peter Cooney)
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