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		How the battle over redistricting in 2021 could decide control of the 
		U.S. 
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		 [February 18, 2021] 
		By Joseph Ax 
 (Reuters) - With the rancorous 2020 U.S. 
		election now over, Democrats and Republicans are girding for another 
		national political battle with enormous stakes: redistricting.
 
 The once-a-decade process of redrawing electoral maps can determine 
		which party controls Congress. Though Democrats hold power in 
		Washington, Republicans have the redistricting advantage heading into 
		2021.
 
 HOW REDISTRICTING WORKS
 
 Redistricting occurs every 10 years after the U.S. Census completes its 
		decennial count of the national population.
 
 Because the number of U.S. House of Representatives seats allocated to 
		each state is driven largely by population, some states whose population 
		declined will likely lose seats to others that have seen growth. This 
		year, Texas and Florida are among the states expected to gain seats, 
		while New York, Ohio and Pennsylvania are among those that will likely 
		lose seats.
 
		
		 
		
 Each state uses the census data to draw congressional districts, as well 
		as new state legislative districts.
 
 In most states, the legislature produces the maps, with the governor 
		often having veto power. Lawmakers often try to draw lines in a manner 
		most favorable to their party, a process known as gerrymandering.
 
 REPUBLICAN ADVANTAGE
 
 Gerrymandering occurs when district lines are deliberately manipulated 
		to benefit one party over another. Federal law prohibits racial 
		gerrymandering, in which minority communities are intentionally 
		disadvantaged, but partisan gerrymandering, in which lines are altered 
		based on how residents voted, is permitted.
 
 The U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 2019 that federal judges have no 
		jurisdiction over partisan gerrymandering, though the decision does not 
		prevent state courts from weighing in. Both the Pennsylvania and North 
		Carolina state Supreme Courts have found extreme partisan gerrymandering 
		violates their state constitutions.
 
 In general, the most aggressive current gerrymanders are seen in 
		Republican-controlled states, thanks to the party's massive victories in 
		state-level elections in 2010. That has allowed Republicans in 
		Wisconsin, for example, to maintain an iron grip on the legislature, 
		even as Democrats have won statewide races.
 
 After Democrats failed to make major gains in November at the statehouse 
		level, Republicans will have sole power to draw the lines for 181 seats 
		in the 435-seat U.S. House, compared with only 49 for Democrats, 
		according to an analysis by the Brennan Center at New York University.
 
 Some experts say Republicans could use redistricting alone to flip the 
		half-dozen House seats needed to regain control of the chamber from 
		Democrats in the 2022 congressional elections.
 
 WHAT IS DIFFERENT THIS YEAR?
 
 The biggest immediate concern is a months-long delay in the release of 
		census data due to the coronavirus pandemic. Last week, officials said 
		states would not receive detailed figures until September.
 
		As a result, the two states that hold legislative elections in 2021, 
		Virginia and New Jersey, will use their old maps. Meanwhile, around half 
		of U.S. states have legal deadlines calling for new maps to be completed 
		in 2021, which could be impossible given the delay; experts say many 
		states will likely ask courts for extensions.
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			Demonstrators rally with cut-outs of congressional districts in 
			front of the Supreme court before oral arguments on Benisek v. 
			Lamone, a redistricting case on whether Democratic lawmakers in 
			Maryland unlawfully drew a congressional district in a way that 
			would prevent a Republican candidate from winning, in Washington, 
			U.S., March 28, 2018. REUTERS/Joshua Roberts 
            
			 
            Some good government groups are worried the delay could lead to more 
			extreme gerrymandering, since it would leave little time for any 
			legal challenges to make their way through the courts before the 
			2022 elections in November.
 The Supreme Court's decision in 2013 to eliminate a key section of 
			the Voting Rights Act will also make it more difficult for civil 
			rights groups to prevent gerrymandering. In years past, states with 
			a history of racial discrimination in elections were required to get 
			"preclearance" from the federal government before making any changes 
			to voting laws, but the court struck down that provision.
 
 Another difference this year: Voters in several states, including 
			Colorado, Michigan, New York and Virginia, approved the creation of 
			redistricting commissions designed to lessen partisanship, though 
			they have varying degrees of autonomy.
 
 Those ballot initiatives reflect a growing public awareness of 
			redistricting, as reform groups, particularly on the left, have 
			spent years mobilizing grassroots efforts in response to Republican 
			gerrymandering in 2011. The backroom deals that marked redistricting 
			a decade ago may be harder to effectuate in 2021.
 
 "Up until recently, redistricting has been obscure, but also 
			obscured – intentionally so," said Kathay Feng, national 
			redistricting director for the good government group Common Cause. 
			"That curtain is coming down."
 
            
			 
            
 STATES TO WATCH
 
 The biggest fights could emerge in four populous Southern states 
			where Republican control over redistricting could yield big gains in 
			Congress – Texas, Florida, Georgia and North Carolina.
 
 Texas and Florida could pick up a combined five new seats in the 
			U.S. Congress thanks to population growth, while Republicans in 
			Georgia may pursue an aggressive gerrymander in response to surprise 
			statewide wins for Democrats in the presidential and twin Senate 
			runoff elections.
 
 A number of battleground states where Republicans previously enjoyed 
			strong gerrymanders now have Democratic governors or independent 
			commissions, such as Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania.
 
 Several states where one party controls the legislature could also 
			see gerrymandering efforts, including Illinois and Maryland for 
			Democrats, and Kansas and Kentucky for Republicans.
 
 (Reporting by Joseph Ax; Editing by Colleen Jenkins and Sonya 
			Hepinstall)
 
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