The
pensioner complained the Roma had been a nuisance, burning
tires, quarreling with one another and upsetting locals. Their
presence was the final straw, he said, after years of broken
promises by a political elite that no longer listened.
He lives in the Hauts-de-France region, worrying about crime and
job opportunities for youngsters, both reasons why the
deindustrialised and rural north is a far-right stronghold.
"Enough of being on the podium for the region with the highest
unemployment, of our voices not being heard," Denfer said,
driving through Roubaix, a deprived town near the Belgian border
where vines pushed through boarded up red-brick houses.
Living in a region scarred by industrial decline, Denfer voted
socialist for years before dallying with the centre-right. In
Sunday's regional elections, he will cast his ballot instead for
Le Pen's Rassemblement National party.
For Le Pen, the vote is a test of her credibility and her
success in detoxifying her party's image and eating into the
mainstream right's vote ahead of a 2022 presidential election.
The far-right, which runs some ten town halls including the
southern city of Perpignan, has never controlled a region, which
come with multi-billion euro budgets and responsibility for
economic development, high schools and transport.
Polls show the Rassemblement National, founded as the Front
National by Le Pen's father, ahead in six regions but likely to
face a wave of alliance building and tactical voting in the
second round to keep it out.
The party's best chance lies in Provence-Alpes-Cote d'Azur, the
southern region encompassing the glitzy Riviera and Marseille's
rough banlieues, where immigration drives the right-wing vote.
But the north provides a snapshot of the frustration nationwide
at rising crime, job insecurity and an aloof elite.
Victory in a regional contest would boost the credentials of a
party perceived by a growing number as less dangerous to
democracy than a decade ago, said Brice Teinturier, an analyst
with pollster IPSOS.
"The more the French see and know far-right voters, the less
reluctant they will be to do it themselves," Teinturier said.
'FRONT REPUBLICAIN'
Le Pen maintains her tough stance on security, Islam and
immigration but has softened her vitriolic attacks on Europe,
dropping her call for an exit of the euro single currency.
Her campaign to woo traditional mainstream voters comes at a
time the electorate is wheeling to the right, but for many
French voting for the far-right remains unimaginable. Denfer
said his brother no longer spoke to him.
In the northern city of Lille's shopping district, several young
voters said their contemporaries increasingly talked of Le Pen
as a serious and capable candidate.
"There's more and more talk of Le Pen among my age group," said
19-year-old university student Marieke Vandermeersch. "It's
worrying. I don't agree with the far-right's views and the fact
that their ideas are taking root here, where I live, scares me."
Polls show the Rassemblement National securing about 26% of the
vote in Sunday's first round, similar to its score in 2015. That
year, a determined 'front republicain' - rival candidates
forming alliances to block Le Pen and tactical voting by
citizens - prevented the far-right from winning a single region.
It is less clear how solid that front will be now as the parties
jockey for position ahead of 2022 and the boundary between the
mainstream right and far-right becomes more blurred, analysts
say.
In the northern town of Wattrelos this week, the far-right's
lead candidate Sebastian Chenu distributed fliers lampooning the
incumbent conservative's record on safeguarding factories and
jobs. He expressed optimism the far-right would conquer its
first regional authority.
"Glass ceilings are there to be punched through," he said.
(Reporting by Ardee Napolitano; additional reporting Michaela
Cabrera and Elizabeth Pineau; writing by Richard Lough; editing
by Philippa Fletcher)
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