Mining magnets: Arctic island finds green power can be a curse
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[March 02, 2021]
By Jacob Gronholt-Pedersen and Eric Onstad
COPENHAGEN (Reuters) - In the tenth
century, Erik the Red, a Viking from Iceland, was so impressed with the
vegetation on another Arctic island he had found he called it "the green
land." Today, it's Greenland's rocks that are attracting outsiders -
superpowers riding a green revolution.
The world's biggest island has huge resources of metals known as 'rare
earths,' used to create compact, super-strong magnets which help power
equipment such as wind turbines, electric vehicles, combat aircraft and
weapons systems.
The metals are abundant globally, but processing them is difficult and
dirty - so much so that the United States, which used to dominate
production, surrendered that position to China about 20 years ago.
As Greenland's ice sheet and glaciers recede, two Australia-based mining
companies - one seeking funding in the United States, the other
part-owned by a Chinese state-backed firm - are racing for approval to
dig into what the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) calls the world's
biggest undeveloped deposits of rare earth metals.
The contest underscores the polluting side of clean energy, as well as
how hard it is for the West to break free of China in production of a
vital resource. Rare earth metals have many uses, and last year China
produced about 90% of them, according to Toronto-based consultancy
Adamas Intelligence. As U.S.-China tensions mount, President Joe Biden's
administration said last month it will review key U.S. supplies,
including rare earths, to ensure other countries cannot weaponise them
against the United States.
Each Greenland mine would cost about $500 million to develop, the
companies say. Both plan to send mined material away for final
processing, an activity that is heavily concentrated in China. The only
rare earth mine now operating in the United States – Mountain Pass in
California – is partly owned by a Chinese state-backed company that
currently sends material mined in the U.S. to China for processing.
The Greenland sites are less than 16 km (10 miles) from each other at
the southern tip of the island, near a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Debate on them has triggered a political crisis in the capital of Nuuk,
forcing a general election on the island of 56,000, due in April. Many
Greenlanders, while concerned about pollution, feel mining is key to
develop their fragile economy. In a 2013 poll, just over half said they
want raw materials to become the country's main source of income.
The country may ultimately back either project, both, or neither, but
for those Greenlanders open to mining, the two proposals boil down to a
choice between one mine that would not produce radioactive material, and
another that would.
The first mine, a private initiative from an Australian geologist who
has presented it to U.S. officials, would not involve nuclear material.
It has won preliminary environmental approval, but it needs cash and a
processing plan.
The second one has already spent more than $100 million preparing to
mine, has proven processing technology through its Chinese partner, and
won initial political support from Greenland's coalition government. But
its plans include exporting uranium, a nuclear fuel, to China, and it
recently ran into strong opposition, including from residents of the
nearby town of Narsaq.
"As indigenous people we have lived in harmony with nature for many,
many years," said Mariane Paviasen, an opposition lawmaker who lives in
the town. "We use these lands to hunt and fish."
Greenland, a self-governing territory of the Kingdom of Denmark, has a
gross domestic product of around $3 billion - similar to Andorra and
Burundi. With its people living mostly on fishing and grants from
Copenhagen, its government is keen to attract foreign investments.
It does not have an estimate for royalties from the first project, but
expects around 1.5 billion Danish crowns ($245 million) each year from
the Chinese-linked one - equivalent to roughly 15% of public spending.
Greenland's government did not respond to requests for comment for this
story. Acting Minister of Resources Vittus Qujaukitsoq said last month
that if Greenlanders suddenly decide they don't want the second project,
"we'll make a fool of investors. The credibility of the whole country is
at stake."
STRATEGIC RESOURCES
Greenland's rare earth metals are also a chance for America and Europe
to regain control of a strategic resource.
The island's potential as a source of the raw materials needed for
renewable energy technologies gained momentum in 2010, when China
threatened to cut off its supply of rare earth metals to Japan, and
tightened quotas to international buyers.
Prices for some of the metals have jumped in recent months, driven by
surging demand for electric vehicles as well as concerns that Beijing
may restrict sales.
Greenland's position near the eastern flank of the United States makes
it a sensitive location. Former U.S. President Donald Trump offered to
buy the island in 2019, and he was not the first U.S. president to do
so: In 1946 Harry S. Truman offered Denmark $100 million for it. A
defence treaty between Denmark and the United States dating back to 1951
gives the U.S. military almost unlimited rights there, and Greenland
houses the northernmost U.S. military base.
Friedbert Pflüger, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council think tank,
says the revenues generated by a major mine could give its owner
leverage over policies in Greenland, and a strong Chinese presence there
may pose strategic threats.
"The very presence of Chinese companies in Greenland could be used as
justification for China to intervene," said Pflüger, a former German
politician and ex-deputy defence minister.
China's foreign ministry said in a statement that such comments
politicise economic and trade issues through "groundless speculation,"
adding "China has always supported Chinese companies to carry out
foreign economic cooperation in accordance with market principles and
international rules."
The U.S. State Department said: "We encourage our allies and partners to
carefully review any investments... that could give China access to
critical infrastructure in ways that compromise their security or allow
China to exert undue, adverse influence over their domestic economies."
Denmark, which handles foreign affairs and defence for Greenland, has in
the past headed off Chinese involvement in infrastructure projects,
which government sources say was because of security concerns. Foreign
Minister Jeppe Kofod declined to comment on the security implications of
China's involvement. But he told Reuters that Copenhagen's close ties
with the United States "should not be seen as an obstacle to commercial
investments in Greenland."
China is a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency, so it can
import uranium from Greenland. But since the fuel is used in nuclear
weapons, that would be sensitive. Copenhagen, which has the final say,
declined to comment.
TRUMP'S OFFER
Trump's offer for Greenland aimed to help address Chinese dominance of
rare earth supplies. Those involved say he was partly following up on
talks between U.S. officials and a privately held company called
Tanbreez Mining Greenland A/S. Tanbreez is the owner of the first
Greenland site - Kringlerne, or Killavaat Alannguat in Greenlandic.
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A view shows exploration drilling at the the Kringlerne rare earth
deposit, where the project is lead by Australian mining company
Tanbreez, near the town of Narsaq in southern Greenland, in this
undated 2010 handout photo. Tanbreez CEO Greg Barnes/Handout via
REUTERS
The company's owner, Australian geologist Greg Barnes, told Reuters
he had met U.S. officials weeks before Trump made the offer, and the
company website shows Barnes with them and the former U.S.
ambassador to Denmark on a site visit. The USGS confirmed its
officials had visited the site in 2019; Washington and a
representative for the former president declined to comment.
Barnes said he had put A$50 million ($38.6 million) of his own cash
into the Greenland project. New York-based investment banker
Christopher Messina, managing director at capital markets advisory
services firm Mannahatta Partners, is trying to assemble more
financing. He says Kringlerne is "such a huge deposit that what
comes out of it could satisfy manufacturing demands in the U.S. for
years to come."
Whether or not that pans out, Barnes says the metals produced by his
project can be processed outside China, although he has not yet
decided where, and declined to say at what cost.
He said the royalties it would generate for Greenland would be
roughly the same as those promised by the China-linked plan. "We've
managed to get our capital costs down without Chinese technology,"
Barnes told Reuters.
The only major plant outside China that does the complex work of
separating individual rare earth elements is in Malaysia. But others
- including the Mountain Pass mine in the United States - are
planning or have started to build such facilities.
"For the foreseeable future, China is going to be the major player
in all of these supply chains simply because it's so far advanced
and because it's not stopping and waiting for alternatives to catch
up," said Ryan Castilloux, head of Adamas.
Tanbreez says half the rare earth metals it mines would be lanthanum
and cerium - relatively plentiful metals used in telescope lenses
and auto catalysts to cut emissions. About a fifth would be yttrium,
which is in demand for lasers and the superconductors used in
quantum computing.
Neither of the Greenland projects would be pollution-free. Both plan
for mined rock to be locally crushed and separated into concentrates
to send for final processing.
Tanbreez's mining waste will be piped to a lake which, while it does
not contain fish, feeds a river with a large population of Arctic
char. Turbid water could impact the char, according to the company's
environmental report, which says it plans to dump some 550 tonnes a
day of waste material into the lake and will dam it to prevent
disruption downstream.
Tanbreez's plan has passed the public consultations stage and
received a government permit in September. Now the company is
working on parliament approval.
"CRITICAL PERIOD"
Both the Greenland projects, though run from Australia, are part of
a European Union initiative, the European Raw Materials Alliance, to
boost Europe's output of critical minerals and cut dependence on
China for rare earth metals..
The alliance, funded by the EU, is coordinating investment and
providing seed money for European mines, processing plants and
industries such as magnets.
Last year, the EU kick-started 10 billion euros ($12 billion) of
investment into rare earth and other green-energy-related projects,
and it says its demand for rare earth metals could surge as much as
tenfold by 2050. It says China currently makes up 98% of its supply.
"This is a very critical period of time," says the Alliance's head,
Bernd Schäfer. "We in Europe are facing raw materials scarcity on
many levels and also the need for action."
The rival mountaintop site not far from Tanbreez is called
Kvanefjeld, or Kuannersuit in Greenlandic. For John Mair, managing
director of its owner, Greenland Minerals Ltd, it's a world-class
opportunity at the right moment.
Kvanefjeld's main offer is neodymium, needed for wind turbines.
Brussels says the EU's demand for the metal may reach 13,000 tonnes
per year by 2050, three times more than it used in 2015. Neodymium
is also used in combat aircraft.
Greenland Minerals is a listed firm in which Chinese company Shenghe
Resources is the biggest shareholder, with just under 10%. Shenghe,
which also has a similar size stake in Mountain Pass, declined to
comment for this story.
Greenland Minerals, which bought its concession from Barnes, says
its planned mine will, at least initially, send minerals it produces
to China for final processing. It says it plans to find a site in
Europe, but has not said when.
The company has a strong hand. Back in 2011, the estimated costs for
setting up Kvanefjeld were $2.3 billion. By 2019, these shrank to
$505 million, the company says: Shenghe, whose biggest shareholder
is a state-run Chinese mineral research institute, has helped boost
efficiency.
But Greenland Minerals faces public opposition. It is one step
behind Tanbreez in the environmental vetting process - and its ores
include significant amounts of radioactive materials.
When Greenland Minerals embarked on public consultations this year,
protests erupted. At one meeting in Narsaq on Feb. 10, locals both
inside and outside the hall banged windows and played loud music to
disrupt presentations.
As opposition mounted, a small pro-mining party, Demokraatit,
triggered a general election by pulling out of Greenland's coalition
in early February.
Polls suggest Greenland's main opposition party, Inuit Ataqatigiit
(IA), which has a zero-tolerance policy for uranium, will become the
biggest in parliament, so would be first to try to form a new
coalition.
"Our aim," IA lawmaker and Narsaq resident Paviasen told Reuters,
"is to halt the (Kvanefjeld) mining project." But IA says it has not
expressed opposition to Tanbreez, which is seen as less of a threat
to the environment.
Kvanefjeld would dump much more waste than Tanbreez - about 8,500
tonnes each day - into a lake on top of the mountain, the Greenland
Minerals plan says.
Greenland Minerals says any increase in background radiation from
its Kvanefjeld mine will be minimal. It plans to build a concrete
45-meter dam to contain the radioactive waste and to spray water on
the ground to keep the dust from blowing away.
The dam will be built to international standards to "withstand even
the worst imaginable seismic activity," it said in a report
submitted to Greenland's government last year.
Even so, residents say they worry contaminated water will seep into
nearby rivers or that the dam will fail entirely. They cite the
collapse of a mining dam in Brazil two years ago that killed 270
people.
As the crisis has deepened, Greenland Minerals' shares have dropped
by more than 50%. If the mine goes ahead, Paviasen says, many people
plan to move away.
(Reporting by Jacob Gronholt-Pedersen in Copenhagen and Eric Onstad
in London; Additional reporting by Ernest Scheyder in Houston,
Humeyra Pamuk in Washington and Tom Daly; Edited by Sara Ledwith)
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