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 According to Crain’s Chicago Business, the redistricting map
being circulated to Democratic Party leaders aims to further widen the partisan
split in the Illinois Congressional Delegation. It would force Republicans to
yield the U.S. representative seat Illinois is losing as a result of population
loss, plus it could lose them a second seat downstate by drawing a district that
lumps together Democratic voters more likely to send another Illinois Democrat
to the U.S. House.
This would leave the state with 14 Democrats and just three Republicans
representing them in the U.S. House. There are currently 13 Democrats and five
Republicans.
Gov. J.B. Pritzker promised from the campaign trail in 2018 through this year to
veto any gerrymandered map. He recently backed off that promise, saying he
trusted Democrats to be fair.
Illinois lawmakers have long used redistricting to force incumbents from the
other party into the same district or to keep their party members safe from
challengers. Both parties have abused the power when given the chance.
This redistricting cycle, Democrats are taking aim at downstate U.S. Rep. Rodney
Davis’ district as well as U.S. Rep. Adam Kinzinger’s, according to Crain’s.
Under the proposed map, heavily GOP portions of Davis’ 13th Congressional
District would be merged into fellow Republican U.S. Rep. Mary Miller’s
district, diluting Davis’ voting block for reelection.
Kinzinger’s 16th Congressional District would be dissolved and merged into
surrounding districts. Kinzinger would lose his congressional seat.
Both Davis and Kinzinger have indicated they might run for governor against
Pritzker if their districts are dismembered. Ironically, Pritzker campaigned for
governor in 2018 on the promise he would veto any partisan political maps but
walked back the promise in April.
Designers of the map also redrew districts to protect vulnerable Democratic
seats in the next election, such as the northwest Illinois seat held by retiring
Democratic U.S. Rep. Cheri Bustos. The proposed map would make the district more
Democratic by including Rockford and increase the likelihood a Democrat wins the
seat.
Democrats seem inclined to pass maps for both Congress and the state legislature
based on population estimates from the American Community Survey and not on the
actual census counts. The counts have been delayed by the pandemic, and the data
potentially will not be released until late September. Using estimates instead
of counts leaves their maps open to legal challenges.
They are also under deadline pressure. After a June 30 deadline, Democrats would
yield majority control over drawing the new maps to a bipartisan committee of
four members from each party. The committee would have until Aug. 10 to approve
maps – still too early for the real census data.
If this, too, fails, a ninth person would be randomly selected to help draw the
maps by Oct. 5, giving superminority Republicans a 50-50 shot at control over
the legislative maps.
Voters pay the price of all this political gamesmanship because it leads to
fewer contested races and gives them little reason to go to the polls on
Election Day. In the 2018 election, nearly half of the Illinois House of
Representatives seats were uncontested. In the Illinois Senate, 20 of 39
senators up for election faced no opponent.
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Illinois’ history and the experiences of other
states all argue for putting mapping power in the hands of a
nonpartisan redistricting commission made up of Democrats,
Republicans and independents to keep politicians from carving out
uncompetitive districts.
Illinois could also automate the process, allowing
maps to be drawn randomly by algorithm, and then to be selected by
an independent commission.
Public support for redistricting reform is widespread. A 2016
movement to put a fair maps question on the ballot received over
550,000 signatures from Illinois voters and had Pritzker’s backing
before it was derailed by the Illinois Supreme Court. According to
polling by the Paul Simon Public Policy Institute, 67% of
Illinoisans favored the idea compared to only 22% who were against
it.
Some pundits have said the map Crain’s referenced is not real and
was offered as an example of what could happen during the remapping
process. But the secrecy of the process and history offer little
evidence it isn’t genuine or it’s not exactly what lawmakers would
do.
Anyone wanting to debunk the “Illinois loses one while Republicans
lose two” theory should come out of the smoke-filled backrooms and
show Illinoisans the maps.
Illinois gas prices were up to $3.25 per gallon May
17 for regular unleaded, which AAA reports as the highest average in
the Midwest.
Gas prices have risen across the nation following the ransomware
attack on the Colonial Pipeline May 7 that forced the fuel
distributor to halt operations. The pipeline supplied roughly 45% of
the East Coast’s fuel
While the shutdown mainly impacted the East Coast, experts suggest
the closure, coupled with growing driver demand in the leadup to
Memorial Day weekend, is driving price increases at the pump.
AAA released its holiday forecast May 11, showing 1.8 million
Illinoisans plan to travel for the Memorial Day holiday – nearly 57%
more than in 2020.
Vaccinations and eagerness to “get out” are responsible for the
increase despite gas prices increasing by 35% since last May, AAA
spokeswoman Molly Hart said.
“Last year, gas prices were so low. Now, people are looking at the
gas prices today and it feels like a sticker shock,” Hart said.
As of May 17, Gas Buddy and AAA both listed Illinois as having the
highest average gas price in the Midwest. AAA set the national
average at $3.04, while Illinois stood at $3.25, according to the
site.
Prices were highest in Chicago, with an average of $3.58. The
Chicago metro area follows with an average of $3.36 per gallon.
Prices started hitting highs just as Gov. J.B. Pritzker pushed
Illinoisans and drivers from neighboring states to take a road trip
in Illinois. The governor’s “Time For Me to Drive” campaign is a $6
million initiative aimed jump-starting state tourism.
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