Analysis: Texas abortion ban opens up 'Wild West' of enforcement,
critics say
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[September 02, 2021]
By Lawrence Hurley
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Texas's strict new
abortion ban h hands over the power of enforcement to private citizens -
and offers them cash payments to do so - a unique construction that
makes the law harder to block in court.
That structure has alarmed both abortion providers, who said they feel
like they now have prices on their heads, and legal experts who said
citizen enforcement could have broad repercussions if it was used across
the United States to address other contentious social issues.
"It is a little bit like the Wild West," said Harold Krent, a professor
at Chicago-Kent College of Law. He called it a throwback to early U.S.
history when it was common to have privately enforced laws at a time
when the government was limited and there was little organized law
enforcement.
The law, known as S.B. 8, bans abortions after six weeks of pregnancy.
That is often before women realize they are pregnant and could
effectively ban 85% to 90% of abortions, abortion rights campaigners
said.
Krent said the measure could be ripe for abuse because anyone can sue
for any reason, without government officials exercising the kind of
discretion they normally would over enforcing a law, Krent added.
This feature creates all kinds of problems for abortion providers
seeking to challenge the law, which went into effect on Wednesday. The
Supreme Court late on Wednesday denied an application brought by a
coalition that supports abortion rights seeking to put the law on hold.
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Texas is the only one of 12 six-week abortion bans that has gone into
effect. Others were routinely blocked by lower courts as a violation of
Supreme Court precedent - including the landmark 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling
- guaranteeing the right to an abortion, especially at an early stage of
pregnancy.
The challenges facing abortion providers in Texas are two-fold.
'VIGILANTE' SYSTEM
First, the law sets up what critics have called a "vigilante" system in
which any Texas resident can sue an abortion provider or anyone who aids
and abets someone seeking to obtain an abortion. If they win, they could
get a bounty of at least $10,000, which would come out of the pockets of
the defendants. The mere threat of litigation has prompted abortion
clinics in Texas to immediately limit their abortion services in
compliance with the law.
There are other laws that have provisions that allow private citizens to
enforce them, including various environmental laws such as the Clean Air
Act, as well as statutes that encourage whistleblowers to report fraud
and abuse within the government. But these laws do not give people the
power to sue to prevent someone else exercising a right recognized by
the Supreme Court.
The way the law has written also makes it difficult for abortion rights
campaigners to challenge it.
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An exam room at the Planned Parenthood South Austin Health Center is
shown following the U.S. Supreme Court decision striking down a
Texas law imposing strict regulations on abortion doctors and
facilities in Austin, Texas, U.S. June 27, 2016. REUTERS/Ilana
Panich-Linsman
In the current litigation, lawyers for the state have
countered that the abortion rights campaigners' "own litigation
decisions, not some injustice foisted upon them" are to blame for
their failure to block the measure. They say, for example, that the
challengers waited too long to file their lawsuit.
Legal experts say that abortion providers could likely succeed in
winning lawsuits on an individual basis but face barriers in
blocking it statewide, In the current case, the New Orleans-based
5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals canceled a lower court hearing to
consider whether the law should be put on hold in part because of
the complex legal questions raised.
One risky way abortion providers could seek to challenge the law is
to continue to provide abortions after six weeks, thereby inviting a
lawsuit, said Vikram Amar, a professor at the University of Illinois
College of Law.
Then, they could argue that the law is unconstitutional and "hope
that a state court decides to follow existing Supreme Court
precedent and declare the state law invalid," he added.
If the law remains in place, abortion providers expect other states
to enact similar measures. It could also prompt states to consider
similarly structured laws aimed at people exercising rights that
state officials - whether they be Republicans or Democrats - frown
upon.
"You can spin out hypothetical after hypothetical about any
individual right that a state could undermine," said Marc Hearron, a
lawyer for the Center for Reproductive Rights who represents the
challengers. "That's why I think everyone from all sides ... ought
to be extremely concerned."
As for those providing abortions, Dr. Anuj Khattar, a doctor from
Washington state who flies to Texas to provide abortions, believes
the law will have a chilling effect.
"I feel like there's a bounty on my head and I don’t want play this
game," he said.
(Reporting by Lawrence Hurley, Additional reporting by Gabriella
Borter and Andrew Chung; Editing by Scott Malone and Grant McCool)
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