After fall of Bashir, Sudan closes door on support for Hamas
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[September 23, 2021]
By Khalid Abdelaziz, Nafisa Eltahir and John Irish
KHARTOUM (Reuters) - Sudanese authorities
have taken control of lucrative assets that for years provided backing
for Hamas, shedding light on how the country served as a haven for the
Palestinian militant group under former leader Omar al-Bashir.
The takeover of at least a dozen companies that officials say were
linked to Hamas has helped accelerate Sudan's realignment with the West
since Bashir's overthrow in 2019. Over the past year, Khartoum has won
removal from the U.S. state sponsors of terrorism (SST) list and is on
course for relief of more than $50 billion in debt.
Hamas has lost a foreign base where members and supporters could live,
raise money, and channel Iranian weapons and funds to the Gaza Strip,
Sudanese and Palestinian analysts said.
Seized assets detailed by Sudanese official sources and a Western
intelligence source show the reach of those networks.
According to officials from a task force set up to dismantle the Bashir
regime, they include real estate, company shares, a hotel in a prime
Khartoum location, an exchange bureau, a TV station, and more than a
million acres of farmland.
Sudan became a centre for money laundering and terrorism financing, said
Wagdi Salih, a leading member of the task force - the Committee to
Dismantle the June 30, 1989 Regime and Retrieve Public Funds.
The system was "a big cover, a big umbrella, internally and externally",
he said.
A Western intelligence source said techniques were used in Sudan that
are common to organised crime: Companies were headed by trustee
shareholders, rents collected in cash, and transfers made through
exchange bureaux.
Bashir openly supported Hamas, and was friendly with its leaders.
"They got preferential treatment in tenders, tax forgiveness, and they
were allowed to transfer to Hamas and Gaza with no limits," said a task
force member, speaking on condition of anonymity.
ISLAMIST HUB
Sudan's journey from pariah state to U.S. ally has been gradual. In the
decade after Bashir took power in 1989 the country became a hub for
radical Islamists, sheltered Osama bin Laden for several years, and was
sanctioned by the United States over links to Palestinian militants.
Bashir later tried to distance himself from hardline Islamism, stepping
up security cooperation with Washington. In 2016 Sudan cut ties with
Iran and the following year U.S. trade sanctions against Khartoum were
dropped after Washington accepted that state support for Hamas had
ceased.
But until Bashir's fall, networks that had supported Hamas remained in
place.
Hamas investments in Sudan began with small-scale ventures such as fast
food restaurants before venturing into real estate and construction,
according to an official on the task force.
An example was Hassan and Alabed, which started as a cement company and
expanded into large real estate developments.
The task force says it was in a network with about 10 other large
companies with interlinking share ownership connected to Bashir ally
Abdelbasit Hamza that moved large sums through foreign bank accounts.
The biggest was Alrowad Real Estate Development, established in 2007 and
listed on Khartoum's stock exchange, with subsidiaries that the Western
intelligence source said laundered money and traded in currency to
finance Hamas.
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Sudan's former president Omar Hassan al-Bashir smiles as he is seen
inside a cage at the courthouse where he is facing corruption
charges, in Khartoum, Sudan August 31, 2019. REUTERS/Mohamed
Nureldin Abdallah/File Photo
Hamza was jailed in April for 10 years on corruption
charges and sent to the Khartoum prison where Bashir is being held.
The task force said he had assets worth up to $1.2 billion in his
name. Hamza's lawyer, who also represents Bashir, could not be
reached for comment.
A second network, worth up to $20 million, revolved around the
broadcaster Tayba and an associated charity named Almishkat. It was
run by two Hamas members who got citizenship and amassed businesses
and real estate, according to Maher Abouljokh, the caretaker brought
in to manage Tayba. The TV channel was funnelling money from the
Gulf, laundered millions of dollars, and had clear links to Hamas,
said Abouljokh.
Contacted by Reuters, Hamas official Sami Abu Zuhri denied the group
had investments in Sudan, but acknowledged an impact from Sudan's
political shift: "Unfortunately, there were several measures that
weakened the presence of the movement (Hamas) in the country (Sudan)
and limited political ties with it," he said.
NORMALISATION
By last year, Sudan was desperate to escape the SST list, a
prerequisite for debt relief and support from international lenders.
Under pressure from the United States, it joined the United Arab
Emirates, Bahrain and Morocco in agreeing to normalise ties with
Israel - though it has moved slowly to implement the deal.
A former U.S. diplomat who worked on Sudan under the Trump
administration said shutting down the Hamas network was a focus in
negotiations with Khartoum. "We were pushing on an open door," he
said.
The United States gave Sudan a list of companies to shut down,
according to one Sudanese source and the Western intelligence
source. The State Department declined to comment.
Many Hamas-affiliated figures went to Turkey with some liquid assets
but left behind about 80% of their investments, the task force
official said.
Sudan's transitional leaders "consider themselves the exact
antithesis of Bashir in regional terms," said Sudanese analyst Magdi
El Gazouli. "They want to sell themselves as a component of the new
security order in the region."
"The coup against al-Bashir caused real problems for Hamas and
Iran," said Palestinian analyst Adnan Abu Amer. "Hamas and Iran had
to look for alternatives - alternatives that had not been in place
because the coup against al-Bashir was a sudden one."
(Reporting by Khalid Abdelaziz and Nafisa Eltahir in Khartoum, John
Irish in Paris, Nidal al-Mughrabi in Gaza, Arshad Mohamed in
Washington and Dan Williams in Jerusalem; Writing by Aidan Lewis and
Nafisa Eltahir; Editing by Giles Elgood)
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